The Sabra and Shatila massacre (or Sabra and Chatila massacre) occurred in September, 1982 in Beirut, Lebanon. Some advocates have called it an act of "genocide" -- a term with international legal ramifications. Much debate has focused on Israel's degree of responsibility.
Background
At the time, Lebanon was involved in a civil war involving complex series of alliances. Among them was the alliance between Israel and Lebanese Christians, led by the Phalangist militia. They were in conflict with Muslims, including Palestinians represented by the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). Massacres among different ethnic groups were not uncommon among during that civil war, which had claimed up to 100,000 victims in 1975-1990, but Israel claims its experience working with the Phalanges before the massacres did not indicate a tendency among them for violence against civilians
The PLO had been using Lebanon as a staging grounds for attacks on Israel's northern border, and on that basis they had invaded southern Lebanon several months before. Under a cease fire agreement signed in late August, the PLO agreed to leave Lebanon and Israel agreed not to advance into Beirut. However, September 14, 1982, the newly elected Phalangist leader Bashir Gemayel, was assasinated by a Muslim group, immediately raising vows for revenge. Gemayel's death left a state of instability, which made the Israeli leadership want to secure its position by invading into West Beirut. The Israeli intelligence claimed that the Sabra and Shatila camps for Palestinian refugees in Beirut still contained up to 2,000 PLO members (who were not evacuated, as they were supposed to, on the basis of an earlier agreement), and some weapons, a claim that has been disputed (more below).
Events
The Phalangist militia and the Israeli Defense Force (IDF) reached an understanding that the IDF would control the perimeters of the camps and the Phalangists would filter out the PLO men and hand them over to Israeli forces. On the evening of September 16, 1982, the IDF encircled the camps and the Phalangists entered, under the command of Elie Hobeika. For the next 36 hours, the Phalangists massacred the inhabitants of the camps.
The precise number of victims of the massacre is unknown. The International Committe of the Red Cross counted 2,750. Israeli figures, based on IDF intelligence, cite a figure of 700-800, a similar figure being brought by the Lebanese authorities and most Western sources, and occasional reports go from as little as 300 to as much as 3,000.
During all that time, individual Israeli troops witnessed fragments of the massacre. At one time it was a radio question aimed at Elie Hobeika what to do with the women and children and intercepted by an Israeli liaison officer (he replied "This is the last time you're going to ask me a question like that, you know exactly what to do", Phalange troops at the spot laughing having heard that). At another occasion it was a tank crew seeing several men, women and children led to a stadium (apparently to be shot). Circulating in the form of rumors, the multiple reports began reach diplomats and journalists, as well as to climb up the command ladder. By the evening of September 17th, the division commander of that area asked the Phalangists to leave by the morning of the next day, September 18th. The Chief of Staff, Rafael Eitan (visting the division forces on that day) supported him. Reluctantly, the Phalangists left, several hours past the deadline.
Allegations against Israel
The news spread through media around the world. Following the controversy, Israel formed a Commission of Inquiry led by the former Supreme Justice Kahan. The report included the evidence of Israeli army personnel, as well as political figures and Phalange officers. In the report, published in the spring of 1983, the Commission stated that there was no evidence that Israeli units took part in the massacre or were even were aware of it. They may have been aware of shooting, but they stopped the Phalangists as soon as they realized it was a massacre. Furthermore, it stated that it was proved beyond a reasonable doubt that the sole perpetrators of the massacre were Hobeika and his men. However, it recommended that Israel's Defense Minister Ariel Sharon resign and several Army personnel be demoted for gross negligence for the introduction of the Phalangists into the camps.
Others disagree with the report:
- "The massacre was not a spontaneous act of vengeance for the murder of Bashir Gemayel, but an operation planned in advance aimed at effecting a mass exodus by the Palestinians from Beirut and other parts of Lebanon. Israel's participation in prior massacres directed against Palestinian people creates a most disturbing pattern of a political struggle carried on by means of mass terror directed at the civilians, including women, children, and the aged." [1]
Some, such as Noam Chomsky, have alleged that the Israelis must have been aware of the massacre. Furthermore, they have doubted that their were any PLO members in the camps, as 1) the Kahan Commission claims that the IDF sent 150 Phalangists to fight 2,000 PLO members (an uncharacteristically poor military tactic) and 2) the Phalangists suffered only two casualties, an impropable outcome of a 36-hour battle involving 2,000 experienced soldiers [FT].
Critics, however, have numerous objections to that point of view. First, Israel never claimed all of the PLO members (as opposed to Fatah militants) were armed or tried to organize a defense; at several occasions earlier, the Phalanges were summoned just to filter out the PLO members from the rest of the Lebanese crowd. In these cases, the Phalanges' conduct was good. In addition, Israel points out that the Phalanges' field commander, Elie Hobeika, was at that time already maintaining contacts with Syria (he openly defected a while later), meaning that perhaps he orchestrated the massacres as a political provocation against his Israeli allies (a move not untypical of him); finally, Israel points out that the Israeli army never received an order (on this occasion or any other), that would imply the death of unarmed civilians.
Following Sharon's 2001 election to the post of Prime Minister of Israel a lawsuit was filed in Belgium regarding his alleged role in causing in the Sabra and Shatila massacres. Currently it is being investigated to what extent Sharon can be indicted under this accusation. Critics of this lawsuit claim that it was made for political reasons.
See also
- Kahan Commission of Inquiry - Israel's official investigation regarding the massacre
- From Israel to Damascus a book written by Elie Hobeika's bodyguard, that includes the description of how Hobeika carried out the massacre.
- A Palestinian view on the massacre
- Statement by Guardians of the Ceder, a Lebanese-Christian nationalist group, expressing its regret over the unilaterality of the investigation in Belgium.
- Terrorism against Arabs, Terrorism against Israel
References
- [FT] Fateful Triangle, Noam Chomsky (ISBN 0-89608-601-1)