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Ultra-Realism

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Development of Ultra-Realism

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Ultra-realism is one of the first new schools of thought to appear in western social science in the 21st century.[1][2][3] Emerging from the discipline of criminology and the sub-discipline of zemiology, ultra-realists argue that researchers and theorists must return to the fundamental question that underpins both disciplines - why, rather than seek solidarity and cooperation, do specific individuals, groups or institutions choose to risk harm to others as they pursue their own interests? The original architects of the ultra-realist perspective are Professor Emeritus Steve Hall and Professor Simon Winlow.

The original concepts outlined in the following section first emerged from the mid-1990s onwards in a series of articles and books but began to take a clearly defined shape in two later works.[4][5] A textbook outlining ultra-realism's first fully developed theoretical framework, its research methodology and a critique of the underlying philosophical principles behind existing theoretical schools was published in 2015.[6]After ten years of research and analysis, an updated textbook was published in 2025, which outlined numerous projects undertaken by researchers inspired by ultra-realism, responded to critics and proposed advances in the theoretical framework.[7]

Ultra-Realism's Theoretical Framework

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The need for revision

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Ultra-realists argue that critical perspectives based on cultural pluralism, social constructionism and intersectionality have fragmented criminology and social science into silos, a matrix of closed positions that ignore shared socioeconomic contexts and interests while shutting out communication, evaluation and criticism. They suggest that 21st century criminology should move beyond currently dominant social reaction theory and the study of legally-defined crime to focus on harm in a searching critical evaluation of our current way of life, its competitive-narcissistic culture[8] and its zemiological outcomes.[9][10] Ultra-realism can therefore be seen as a revisionist position constructed for the purposes of revisiting the research findings and fundamental domain assumptions of existing schools of thought to evaluate their validity and, where necessary, suggesting further investigation using ethnographic research methods and advanced concepts.

Basic components of the framework

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Ultra-realists focus on the fundamental question of why some risk harm to others as they pursue their own interests. Acknowledging that personal motivations and localised situations are diverse, they drew upon on broad crime trends that show discernable shifts over time in various locales, regions and nations. Drawing upon the classic work of criminologists such as Robert K. Merton, Jock Young and Robert Reiner, they sought to reconnect trends to major shifts in political economy, culture and subjectivity, investigatiing their forms and dynamic relations, which together create probabilistic rather than directly causal contexts at the local, regional and national levels.

Early preparatory work undertaken before the establishment of the ultra-realist logo in 2015 drew evidence from the New Deal period in the US, which between 1933 and 1937 correlated with a significant reduction of crime, especially violence and homicide.[11] This contrasted with the crime explosion in the US and UK during the deindustrialization process 1980s.[12] Although some forms of traditional crime declined from the mid-1990s, early research also noted that this decline correlated with the increased use of detection technology, surveillance and incarceration.[13]

Professor Winlow's sociological work on the displacement of traditional working-class identities and cultural pursuits by those to be found in mass-mediated consumer culture indicated that profound changes were taking place.[14] It added empirical and theoretical weight to Professor Hall's ultra-realist inversion of orthodox liberal criminology's claim that criminality is a deviation from an irenic norm. He had also rejected the classical liberal notion that evil is a moral choice and conservative notion that it is an innate propensity requiring strict discipline.[15][16] Further research led to work on the historical intensification of the competitive-individualist norm and how its associated subjectivity was normalised and pacified. This expanded into to a broad critique of the civilizing process and the emergence of foundational ultra-realist concepts such as the pseudo-pacification process, objectless anxiety and special liberty.[5] Further ethnographic and theoretical work associated these socioeconomic, cultural and subjective shifts with corresponding changes in crime trends and the expansion of criminal markets.[4][17]

The decision to investigate such dynamic relations in more depth and use emerging foundational concepts as the basis of a theoretical framework for a renewed realist analysis of trends in crime and harm led to the establishment of the ultra-realist project in 2015.[6] Eschewing left idealism, conservative depressive realism and classical right-realism, ultra-realists agreed with the left realist and early feminist position that critical criminology must take crime, harm and victims more seriously.[18] They borrowed a handful of selected concepts from other realist schools of thought - for instance critical realism's depth structures and causative impact of absence,[19] speculative realism's critique of correlationism and its emphasis on realist contingency and agency in the anthropecene era[20], and Mark Fisher's notion of 'capitalist realism',[21] a culture that normalised and reproduced the cynical, 'zero-sum' subject[22] that ultra-realist ethonographic researchers had encountered time and time again.[23][17] The ubiquity of a rather indifferent attitude towards risking harm to others amongst respondents involved in crime and criminal markets prompted ultra-realism's first move towards zemiology.

In further work on this normalised form of subjectivity, ultra-realists drew upon Slavoj Žižek's notion of fetishistic disavowal[24] to formulate their concept of the 'chosen unconscious'[6], which in turn led to the early adoption of Adrian Johnston's framework of transcendental materialism[25] as a basis for the ultra-realist framework. Further advances were prompted by researchers' empirical findings relating to subjectivity, particularly the clear distinction between expressive and instrumental forms of special liberty.[26] The recognition of the use of criminal or harmful means of either remaining in or leaving specific situations led to the current reformulation of the ultra-realist framework,[27] drawing upon the concepts of homeostasis,[28] non-suffering, and existential difficulties in post-normal times.[29]

Hall and Winlow came to the conclusion that the Lacanian assumption of 'the void' was a problem in the transcendental materialist[30] framework, which prompted them to consider the 'reality under the Real'. They argued that the fundamental molecular question - to stay or go - at the root of all organisms constitutes a bodily demand for a primordial metaphysics that only the affective system's[31] deep 'mood' emotions can translate and mediate. The molecular body understands only 'non-suffering'. The stay-go decision involves a calculation of sacrifice that informs the emotional crebility of any answers to the molecular question provided by experience, culture and ideology. The more persistent and committed criminals encountered by ultra-realist researchers throughout the social structure, from drug-dealers to investment fraudsters, had made the cyncial decision that the 'zero-sum'[22] world is natural and timeless. The onus is on individuals to stay in it, actively compete against others but avoid sacrifice at all costs by levering themselves up the hierarchy of non-suffering by any means possible, legal or otherwise.[7]

The broader ramifications of the ultra-realist project suggest that westerners exist today in system of managed zemiogenesis, which requires ethical and political intervention at a level once considered normal in the post-WWII era but now regarded as dangerously disruptive.[32] They argue that criminology can make firm contributions to the pragmatic political interventions required to stabilise economies, reduce sociosymbolic competition, transcend zero-sum subjectivity and restore ethics not only to the criminal justice system but to the heart of economy, society, culture.[33] In an attempt to lay the foundations for a theoretical framework that encompasses all these issues, ultra-realists have attempted to augment, modify and where necessary replace existing ideas by constructing the following concepts specifically for criminological and zemiological research:

  • The pseudo-pacification process. Professor Hall's concept, which has been developed since the mid-1990s in numerous theoretical works[15][16][13][34] provides criminological and zemiological researchers and theorists with an alternative to Norbert Elias's concept of the 'civilizing process'. Pseudo-pacification is a process that emerged in 12th century England in the wake of major cultural, legal and socioeconomic changes. The fundamental claim is that what is mistaken for 'civilizing' momentum is a fragile by-product of the displacement of physical violence as a normative means of ordering and disrupting social systems with rule-bound sociosymbolic competition acted out in commercial life and consumer culture.[35] The relatively early replacement of violence with pseudo-pacified competitive individualism changed trends in crime and harm[36], accelerated marketisation, increased consumer desires and helped Britain become the first fully industrialised nation.
  • Special liberty. Another concept provided by Professor Hall[5], 'special liberty' is a socially unstructured sense of entitlement that defies the prohibition Kant placed on justifying means by ends. It is the culmination of ethically over-inflated but fundamentally cynical motivations and justifications constructed in the minds of those who are determined to achieve personal ends, whether instrumental or expressive, and have fetishistically disavowed the likelihood that their actions will cause harm to others and their environments.[37] Special liberty operates at the boundary of the pseudo-pacification process's normative structure and threatens its stability.[38]
  • Loss, trauma and nostalgia. Professor Winlow's work on the impact of the loss of identities during the process of rapid deindustrialization in the UK demonstrated how this existential trauma added another dimension to material, communal and social loss.[23][14] As new identities were forged in consumer culture's symbolic order,[39] many respondents were also moved by a deep nostalgia that combines cynicism with a sense of marginalisation and loss of hope.[40] Some individuals immersed themselves in criminal markets to compensate for this loss, achieve status and reforge an autonomous identity.[4] Others also drifted into far-right politics[41] manifested in the UK riots of 2024.[42]
  • Objectless anxiety. Coined by Professor Hall[5], this concept denotes the pychological and potential psychocultural[43] end result of the operation of mass-mediated ideology in support of an existing way of life. Anxiety naturally lacks an object. By constantly ignoring, denying or reframing the real systemic causes of problems and preventing the ensuing anxiety from locating and understanding the appropriate object of fear on which people can act, the condition is artificially, systematically and indefinitely sustained. The concept has been useful to criminologists in research ranging from deviant leisure[44] and drug culture[45] to policing.[46]
  • The assumption of harmlessness. Dr Thomas Raymen's concept was the product of a search into the historical background of special liberty in an attempt to explore and cultural context that underlies liberal societies' understanding of harm.[47] An unwritten rule in liberal thought insists that, where there is initial doubt, an activity should be should be assumed to be sufficiently harmless to practice before anyone should suspect it might be harmful. Therefore the onus is always on those who wish to prove it is harmful. This concept is one of ultra-realism's major theoretical contributions to zemiology.[48]

Methods - ethnographic networks

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Inspired by classic ethnographic work from Professor Winlow[23][39], ultra-realists argue that criminological researchers can open up previously obscured parallax views by networking and generating qualitative data from different geographical locations and sections of the population. Existing examples of ethnographic networking have demonstated the effectiveness of the method. Projects undertaken to examine rioting in various locations of the UK[17] and political protests around Europe[49] revealed both differences and similarities in motivations and outcomes. Networked ethnographers working in various spaces can gather data from observations and interviews,[50] but to understand these experiences in their broader socioeconomic contexts requires advanced analytical and theoretical work.

Ultra-Realist Research Projects

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A number of researchers use ultra-realist concepts as they construct their research projects and analyze their findings. Ultra-realists criticize 'backwards research' and insist on 'forwards research'.[51] In the period 2015 to 2025 ultra-realism has inspired research in the following areas:

Crime, deviant leisure and consumer culture[52][53][54][55][56][57][58][59][60][61][62][63][64][65]

Crime, harm and place[66][67][68][69][70][71][72]

Crime, harm, work and employment[73][74][75][76][77][78][79]

Covid, lockdown and social harm[80][81][82][83][84][85]

Riots and far-right politics[41][86][87][40]

Research Methods[88][89][90][91][92][93][94]

Violence and masculinity[95][96][97][98][99]

Crime, harm and glocal markets[100][101][102]

Policing and corruption[103][104][105]

Homicide and serial murder[106][107][108]

Crime, harm and mass media[109][110][111]

Crime, corruption and compliance[112][113][114]

History and violence[115][116]

Crime, corruption and sport[117][118]

Harm and Hate crime[119][120]

Technology, harm and crime[121]

The crime decline[122]

Child abuse[123]

Military studies[124]

Subjectivity and investment fraud[125]

Crime, harm and drugs[126]

Criminology of borders[127]

Critique and Responses

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Early criticism from reviewers focused on ultra-realism's complexity, opacity[128] and lack of diversity[129]. Ultra-realists responded by pointing out that students and early career researchers experienced little trouble in dealing with the complexity, the ethnographic networking method is inherently diverse and ultra-realism's theoretical concepts can be adopted by any researcher in any part of the world.[7]

Debates followed around the relative conceptual value of the civilizing process and the pseudo-pacification process. Ultra-realists regard the latter as more sophsticated and representative of reality while defenders of Elias's concept argue that the nuances of his thesis have been ignored or misunderstood.[130] Ultra-realists responded by pointing out that the roots of the pseudo-pacification process were in 12th-century England, a joint legal, socioeconomic and cultural shift that discouraged physical violence in everyday life and shapes, elicits and polices the type of aggression that can be sublimated and harnessed to the marketised economic system. This predates the roots of the civilizing process in 17th century Europe and offers a theory more sophisticated than the 'storage' of aggressive tendencies in the background, sometimes failing as the process ‘reverses’ under the pressure of ethnic hatred and social exclusion. Ultra-realists find the pseudo-pacification process adds greater value to analyses of today's zero-sum, competitive-individualist way of life.[36]

A salvo of criticisms was launched at ultra-realism by a group of Australian academics,[131] who focused on ultra-realism's naturalization of violent drives, the incoherence of the connection between the pseudo-pacification process and special liberty, a tendency towards monocausality, essentialism and reductionism associated with the 'direct causality' of the economic context, the denial of human agency, and neglect of gender relations as epiphenomenal. Ultra-realists responded by pointing out that special liberty motivates and permits individuals to move beyond the legal and normative boundaries of pseudo-pacification, therefore they are integrated parts of the same process. The ultra realist concept of the 'chosen unconscious' suggests that the thesis is grounded in agency and choice.[6] The economic context is probabilistic, not directly causal, because ultra-realists use crime trends as initial indicators of the need for further investigation using ethnographic methods to investigate the complex relations between economy, culture, and individual situations.[132][7][97] Gender relations have featured centrally in ultra-realist research.[124][121]

More recent constructive debates have discussed the possibility that ultra-realism doesn't offer anything new, its causal logic is tautological and can't be falsified, and the transcendental materialist framework is unverifiable.[133] Ultra-realists responded by arguing that concepts such as the pseudo-pacification process and special liberty are unique to ultra-realism. Whereas ultra-realists require more research to address the issue of falsification, Hall and Winlow agreed with Lakatos[134] that Popper's notion is flawed because the falsifying premises themselves are often preferences that have evaded falsification. However, Steimetz and Green's[133] claim that the transcendental materialist framework is currently unverified has been accepted and addressed with further work, drawing upon recent neuroscientific and neuropsychoanalytic research on the 'molecular question', the combined biological and metaphysical processes that seem to underlie what Lacan proposed as a 'void'.[27]

Further Reading

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Hall, S. and Winlow, S. Revitalizing Criminological Theory: Advances in Ultra-Realism. Abingdon: Routledge.[1]

Kotzé, J. and Lloyd, A. (2022) Making Sense of Ultra-Realism. Bingley: Emerald.[2]

Hall, S. and Winlow, S. (2025) Ultra-Realism: A Study Guide. UR Publications.[3]

Hall, S. and Winlow, S. (2018) ‘Ultra-Realism’, in DeKeseredy, W. and Dragiewicz, M. (eds.) The Routledge Handbook of Critical Criminology, Abingdon: Routledge.[4]

Hall, S. and Winlow, S. (2017) ‘Ultra-Realism’, in Brisman, A., Carrabine, E. and South, N. (eds.) The Routledge Companion to Criminological Theory and Concepts, Abingdon: Routledge.[5]

'Ultra-Realist Criminology', in Hopkins-Burke, R. (2021) Contemporary Criminological Theory: Crime and Criminal Behaviour in the Age of Moral Uncertainty. Abingdon: Routledge.[6]

Winlow, S. and Hall, S. (2019) ‘Shock and Awe: On Progressive Minimalism and Retreatism, and the New Ultra-Realism’, Critical Criminology.[7]

Hall, S. and Winlow, S. (2016) ‘Keeping It Real: Dick Hobbs’s legacy of classic ethnography and the new ultra-realist agenda’, in Antonopoulos, G.A. (ed.) Illegal Entrepreneurship, Organized Crime and Social Control, New York: Springer.[8]

Hall, S. (2015) ‘What is Criminology About? The study of harm, special liberty and pseudo-pacification in late-capitalism’s libidinal economy’, in Lippens, R. and Crewe, D. (eds.) What is Criminology About? Philosophical Reflections. Abingdon: Routledge.[9]

Winlow, S. and Hall, S. (2016) ‘Realist Criminology and its Discontents’, International Journal for Crime, Justice and Social Democracy.[10]

References

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