Hmar language

The Hmar language (Hmar: Khawsak Țawng) is a Sino-Tibetan language spoken by the Hmar people of Northeast India. It belongs to the Kuki-Chin branch of this language family. Speakers of Hmar often use Mizo as their second language (L2).

The language has official status in some regions and is used in education to varying degrees. It possesses a rich oral tradition, including traditional sayings (Ṭawngkasuok) and festival songs like the Sikpui Hla.

Hmar
Mhar, Khawsak
Hmar Țawng / Khawsak Țawng
Pronunciation	[hmar]
Native to	India
Region	Mizoram, Manipur, Assam, Tripura, and Meghalaya
Ethnicity	Hmar people
Native speakers	98,988 (as L1 in India, 2011)
Language family	Sino-Tibetan Tibeto-Burman Kuki-Chin-Naga Kuki-Chin Central Kuki-Chin Mizoic Hmaric Hmar
Official status
Recognised minority language in	In India
Language codes
ISO 639-3	hmr
Glottolog	hmar1241
ELP	Hmar

Classification

The Hmar language is a member of the Tibeto-Burman language family. It is specifically classified under the Zohnahtlak languages group. The Zohnahtlak languages, including Hmar, are spoken in Mizoram, neighboring areas of Northeast India, and also in adjacent countries like Bangladesh and Myanmar. The language is verb-final.

According to VanBik's (2007) classification of Kuki-Chin languages, Hmar is placed within the 'Central' branch. This branch also includes languages like Mizo and Lai. For context, Kuki-Chin languages are broadly divided by VanBik into Central, Peripheral (Northern and Southern), and Maraic branches. Another grouping, often termed 'Northwestern Kuki-Chin' or historically 'Old Kuki' (including languages like Aimol, Anal, Kom), is also recognized and is characterized by lacking some typical features of the core Kuki-Chin group, such as verb stem alternations.

The broader classification of Tibeto-Burman (often referred to as Sino-Tibetan) is a subject of ongoing scholarly discussion. Some researchers, like Blench and Post (2013), propose the term Trans-Himalayan for the phylum to better reflect the geographical distribution and diversity of these languages, particularly highlighting the numerous languages in Northeast India that may represent independent branches and challenge traditional binary classifications that privilege Sinitic or well-known literary languages like Tibetan and Burmese. These scholars emphasize the complexity arising from extensive language contact and the need to give equal weight to lesser-documented languages in phylogenetic considerations.

Hmar, like many languages in the region, is considered to be in a developing stage and requires further standardization in several linguistic areas.

Geographical distribution

Regions and speaker numbers

The Hmar people are dispersed across several states in Northeast India, primarily Mizoram, Manipur, Assam, Meghalaya, and Tripura, with significant populations often concentrated in the border regions between these states. Diaspora communities also exist in Myanmar and Bangladesh (among the Bawm people tribe).

The Khawsak dialect of Hmar is spoken in locations including:

• Assam: Dima Hasao district, Karbi Anglong district, Hailakandi district, Karimganj district and Cachar district
• Manipur: Pherzawl district, Churachandpur district, Jiribam district and Moreh
• Mizoram: Aizawl district, Champhai district (where Hmars are noted as early settlers), and Kolasib district
• Tripura: In and around Darchawi and Jampui Hills
• Meghalaya: Shillong and Khaddum village
• Myanmar: Tamu
• Bangladesh: Among the Bawm people

Population Estimates: According to the Census of India, 2001, there were approximately 83,400 Hmar speakers. The total ethnic Hmar population is estimated to be higher, possibly between 200,000 and 300,000, though this is a general estimate due to factors such as their wide dispersion, the historical classification of some Hmar clans as separate tribes, and variations in census operations.

In Mizoram, the 2001 census recorded the Hmar population at 18,155. This figure might not include all ethnic Hmars, particularly those who may not speak the Hmar language as their primary mother tongue. The 2011 Census of India recorded 98,988 speakers of Hmar as a mother tongue.

The significant dispersion of Hmar speakers may contribute to slight dialectal distinctions across different regions.

Dialects

In Manipur, Hmar exhibits partial mutual intelligibility with the other Kukish dialects of the area including Thadou, Paite, Aimol, Vaiphei, Simte, Kom and Gangte languages.

The Hmar language, as it is recognized today, was previously known as the Khawsak dialect. This dialect was accepted by the various Hmar groups as a common language for literary and teaching purposes, although other Hmar languages and dialects continue to be widely spoken.

History

The Hmar people were first recognized as a distinct tribal community in the North-Eastern States of India. Prior to official recognition, they were often grouped under the term 'Kuki' or 'Old Kuki,' a label applied by outsiders to various hill tribes in the region. The Government of India officially recognized the Hmar tribe by including it in the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Lists (Modification) Order, 1956 (Ministry of Home Affairs Order No. S.R.O. 2477, dated 29 October 1956). This allowed different tribes, including the Hmar, to be known by their specific names rather than generic terms. The Hmar people are recognized as an indigenous tribal group in Northeast India. They are officially recognized as a Scheduled Tribe by the Indian constitution since 1951.

Early documentation

The Hmar language was first documented in written form in the early 20th century by George Abraham Grierson in his extensive Linguistic Survey of India.

Origins and early settlement

Oral traditions and historical accounts suggest the Hmar were among the earliest settlers in the region that is now the state of Mizoram. This is supported by the Hmar names of many villages and rivers, particularly in the Champhai area bordering Myanmar. Over time, with the arrival of other related groups, the Hmar population spread to other parts of Northeast India.

Sinlung: Traditional place of origin

Hmar tradition consistently refers to Sinlung as their ancestral homeland. Numerous songs and folktales recount their time in Sinlung and their subsequent migration. The exact location of Sinlung is a subject of scholarly debate, with several theories proposed:

• It may be located in present-day Southwest China, possibly in Yunnan Province (e.g., Tailing or Silung).
• The name might be derived from the Qin Dynasty (Ch'in Dynasty, 221-207 B.C.).
• Etymologically, sin (to seal or close) and lung (stone or rock) could suggest a cave sealed with a large stone.
• One theory places Sinlung at Aopatong on the border of Burma and China, named after a chief Silung during the construction of the Great Wall of China.
• Another possibility is the present-day Sinlung near the Yulung River in Sichuan Province, China.

Reasons for leaving Sinlung are also varied in oral traditions, including the search for fertile land or escape from oppressive rulers. One Hmar song evocatively states:

Khaw Sinlung ah
Kawt siel ang ka zuongsuok a;
Mi le nel lo tam a e,
Hriemi hrai a.

(From Sinlung / I jumped out like a Mithun from its captivity (Bison); / Innumerable were the encounters, / With the children of men.) This suggests a departure involving overcoming obstacles and facing numerous encounters during their migration. It is believed the Hmars were part of larger waves of migration from China southwards, possibly forced out by the Ch'in Dynasty, eventually moving into Southeast Asia and then India.

Socio-political awakening

The introduction of modern elementary education by Christian missionaries in the late 19th and early 20th centuries played a significant role in awakening the socio-economic, cultural, and political consciousness of the Hmar people.

During the period leading up to Indian Independence and in the decades that followed, various political movements emerged in the Lushai Hills (now Mizoram). Initially, many Hmars supported broader Mizo ethnic consolidation movements.

Hmar political movements and organizations

Discontent grew among the Hmars due to the perceived neglect of their specific concerns and aspirations within larger Mizo political formations, especially after the creation of Mizoram state. This led to the formation of distinct Hmar political organizations.

• In the 1950s, organizations like the Hmar National Congress (HNC) were founded.
• In 1958, the HNC merged with members of the Mizo Union (Manipur) to form the Hmar National Union (HNU). The HNU advocated for the integration of all Hmar-inhabited areas in Manipur and Assam (including the Lushai Hills) into a single administrative unit.

Resentment increased due to the exclusion of some Hmar-inhabited areas from the newly formed Mizoram state and what Hmar activists described as discriminatory policies and neglect by the Mizoram government towards Hmar areas within the state. They cited lack of access to basic amenities and alleged policies of forced assimilation and Mizo chauvinism.

• In July 1986, following the Mizo Accord, Hmar leaders in Mizoram formed the Mizoram Hmar Association (MHA), which was later renamed the Hmar People Convention (HPC). The HPC spearheaded a political movement demanding self-governance for Hmars in Mizoram, similar to the Autonomous District Councils (ADCs) granted to Lai, Mara, and Chakma communities.
• The HPC submitted memoranda in 1987-88 to state and central authorities demanding a Hmar ADC in north and northwest Mizoram, highlighting developmental imbalances and threats to Hmar identity, culture, tradition, and language.

Period of conflict and the Sinlung Hills Development Council (SHDC)

Tensions escalated, leading to protests and state responses. An HPC-organized bandh (general strike) in March 1989 was met with police action. This period saw the formation of the Hmar Volunteer Cell (HVC), an armed wing of the HPC, leading to armed confrontations with state forces between 1989 and 1992.

Negotiations between the HPC and the Government of Mizoram resulted in the signing of a Memorandum of Settlement (MoS) on July 27, 1994. This led to the surrender of HPC armed cadres. The MoS aimed to grant autonomy for social, economic, cultural, and educational advancement through the creation of the Sinlung Hills Development Council (SHDC), but it was not granted political autonomy. The SHDC was officially formed on August 27, 1997, covering areas with a Hmar majority population. However, disagreements over its exact demarcation and the failure to introduce Hmar as a medium of instruction in SHDC areas, coupled with alleged political interference and limited funding, rendered the council largely defunct over time.

Some HPC leaders and cadres rejected the 1994 MoS and formed the HPC (Democratic), continuing an armed movement for autonomy. Various attempts at peace talks and Suspension of Operation (SoO) agreements occurred, notably in 2010, but faced challenges and did not lead to a lasting resolution at that time. The HPC(D) demanded a Hmar Territorial Council (HTC) within Mizoram under the Indian Constitution.

The Hmar political movement, as articulated by its proponents, has generally aimed to preserve Hmar identity, culture, and language and ensure their socio-economic development within the framework of the Indian constitution and often in concert with broader Mizo ethnic solidarity, rather than seeking to break away from Mizoram.

Phonology

Alphabet (Hmar Hawrawp) and Orthography

The Hmar alphabets, known as Hmar Hawrawp, has 25 letters: 6 vowels and 19 consonants. It is a modified version of the Roman script with some diacritic marks to help pronounce the dialect.

Hmar Hawrawp

A	Aw	B	Ch	D	E	F	G	Ng	H
I	J	K	L	M	N	O	P	R	S
T	Ț	U	V	Z

Pronunciation

Pronunciation Guide

Alphabets	As In
a	"aa" of father
aw	"aww" of omnipotent or awkward
b	bee
ch	chaw
d	dee
e	ee
f	eff
g	"ek" of acknowledge
ng	"ang" of angst
h	eich
i	eye
j	jay
k	kay
l	el or elle
m	em
n	"en" of end
o	"ou" of ouch
p	pee
r	are
s	ess
t	tee
ṭ	tree
u	ooh
v	vee
z	zet

Grammar

The Hmar language exhibits several notable grammatical features, common to many Tibeto-Burman languages, but also with unique characteristics. It is an agglutinative language.

Agreement

Hmar demonstrates a rich agreement system. Agreement markers, often in the form of pronominal clitics, can appear on verbs and adjectives, indicating features like person and number of arguments (subject, object). Unlike many Indo-Aryan languages where the presence of a lexical case marker (postposition) often blocks agreement, in Hmar, the presence or absence of a postposition generally does not affect agreement. However, there are instances, particularly in relative clauses and passives, where the ergative case marker and the agreement marker are mutually dependent, meaning either both appear or both are absent.

Predicate adjectives in Hmar also exhibit agreement with the noun they modify, carrying person and number agreement features that are homophonous with those found on verbs. Hmar does not have gender agreement.

Pronominal clitics

Hmar utilizes pronominal clitics that attach to verbs. These clitics can represent subjects, direct objects, indirect objects, and possessors. For example, the object agreement markers for the first person singular is -mi and for the second person singular is -ce. The third-person singular subject agreement marker is typically -a. These clitics are crucial for understanding the relationships between participants in a sentence, especially when overt pronouns are dropped (see Pro-drop language).

Ergativity

Hmar exhibits a split ergativity system based on person. This means that the language uses ergative case marking for some noun phrases (typically third person) and accusative case marking for others (typically first and second person). When a subject is marked with the ergative case (e.g., -n), it often triggers corresponding agreement on the verb. The interplay between ergative marking and agreement is a significant feature of Hmar syntax.

Adposition incorporation

A distinctive feature of Hmar grammar is adposition incorporation. This is a process where an adposition (typically a postposition, like le meaning "with") moves from its position with a noun phrase and incorporates into the verb, often changing its form (e.g., le becomes -pui when attached to a verb). This incorporation can have a transitivizing effect on intransitive verbs. When an adposition is incorporated, the verb it attaches to may then take an ergative subject and an object agreement clitic, indicating an increase in the verb's valency. This phenomenon is not commonly found in other language families of the Indian subcontinent.

Long-distance agreement

Hmar also features long-distance agreement, where an argument in an embedded clause can trigger agreement on the predicate (verb or adjective) of the main or higher clause. This is particularly evident in constructions involving subject-to-subject raising and Exceptional Case Marking (ECM). In ECM constructions, the pronominal agreement marker of the embedded subject can appear as a clitic on the matrix verb.

Pronominal strength hierarchy

In sentences with conjoined pronominal subjects, Hmar follows a pronominal strength hierarchy for agreement. The first-person subject is considered "stronger" than second- or third-person subjects, and a second-person subject is "stronger" than a third-person subject. This means that if a first-person pronoun is conjoined with a third-person pronoun, the verb will show first-person plural agreement, even if the first-person pronoun itself is null (pro-dropped) and only recoverable from the verbal agreement. The hierarchy is typically: 1st person > 2nd person > 3rd person.

Morphology

Hmar morphology is characterized by agglutination, particularly in its verb system. This involves the use of prefixes and suffixes to derive various grammatical forms, including causatives.

Causativization

Hmar employs both morphological and lexical strategies for forming causative verbs.

Morphological causatives

Two primary morphological causative affixes are productively used:

• The prefix `/sùk-/` (IPA: /sʊk-/) is typically used with intransitive verbs and adjectives to form causative verbs. It generally denotes direct causation, where the causer is directly responsible for the event. For example, lìen ('wide') becomes sùk-lìen ('to widen'). The verbal reflexive marker `/ìn-/` is usually not required with `/sùk-/` unless the construction has a reflexive meaning (e.g., ìn-sùk-sɔ̀l 'to wear oneself out'). However, `/sùk-/` cannot typically be used with intransitive verbs of activity or motion (e.g., *sùk-tlân 'to make run').
• The suffix `/-tìr/` (IPA: /-tɪr/) is a morphologically regular and productive causative marker that can derive causatives from all types of non-causative verbs (intransitive, transitive, and even copula verbs).\pFname="InfimateCausativization" /> Verbs causativized with `/-tìr/` obligatorily co-occur with the verbal reflexive marker `/ìn-/` (which may reduce to `/n-/` after a vowel), resulting in a circumfix-like structure `/ìn-...-tìr/`. For example, ṭhù ('sit') becomes ìn-ṭhù-tìr ('to make/let sit'). This form can express both true causation ('make X do Y') and permissive causation ('let X do Y').

Lexical causatives

Lexical causatives are less common and unproductive in Hmar. They include:

• Suppletive forms: These involve two entirely unrelated verb stems for the non-causative and causative meaning. For instance, fà ('eat') versus ìnbâ ('to feed', literally 'cause to eat').
• Derived forms: These involve related verb stems where the causative variant is derived through phonological or minor morphological changes that are no longer productive. These may be remnants of historical causative morphology, such as the Proto-Tibeto-Burman *s- prefix causing stem-initial aspiration (e.g., ṭhì 'be afraid' vs. ìn-ṭhì 'to frighten') or the addition of a voiceless velar stop (e.g., tlâ 'fall' vs. ìn-tlâk 'to drop/cause to fall').
• Serial verbs: Some serial verb constructions can express causation, where the first verb describes an action that causes the result described by the second verb (e.g., kɔ̀t à-kèi khàr 's/he pulled the door closed', literally 'door s/he-pull close'). These are treated as bimorphemic lexical causatives.

Verb stem alternation

Hmar, like other Kuki-Chin languages, exhibits verb stem alternation (Stem I and Stem II forms). General Kuki-Chin characteristics of verb stem alternation include Stem I forms often being associated with main clauses or intransitive predicates and usually having an open syllable, while Stem II forms are often associated with subordinated clauses or transitive predicates and often have a closed syllable (e.g., Hakha Lai tsòo ‘buy.1’ and tsook ‘buy.2’). In Hmar causative constructions, both Stem I and Stem II verbs can generally occur with causative morphology. For example, with the root 'eat' (Stem I: fà, Stem II: fàk), both ìn-fà-tìr and ìn-fàk-tìr ('cause to eat') are possible. While `/ìn-...-tìr/` can occur with Stem I, it is more commonly associated with Stem II forms. The `/sùk-/` causative can also combine with both stems.

Interaction with reflexive/reciprocal markers

The verbal reflexive/reciprocal prefix `/ìn-/` (which can reduce to `n-` after a vowel with singular subjects) is crucial in causative constructions.

• With the causative suffix `/-tìr/`, the prefix `/ìn-/` is obligatory, forming an `/ìn-...-tìr/` structure. However, this combination typically does not result in a reflexive or reciprocal meaning for the overall causative construction; the causer and causee are distinct.
• With the causative prefix `/sùk-/`, the marker `/ìn-/` is used when the causer and causee are the same (reflexive causative), e.g., àn-ìn-sùk-lùnsèN ('they made themselves angry / they made each other angry'). In non-reflexive contexts with `/sùk-/`, if `/ìn-/` occurs, it follows the causative marker (e.g., sùk-ìn-tlàN 'made me late'), though it can often be dropped without changing meaning.

Double causatives

Hmar allows for the formation of double causatives, expressing the meaning 'X CAUSES Y to CAUSE Z'. This can be achieved in two ways:

• By combining both the prefix `/sùk-/` and the suffix `/-tìr/` (with its obligatory `/ìn-/`) on primarily intransitive stative verb stems. For example, lùm ('hot') can become ìn-sùk-lùm-tìr ('cause someone to make something hot').
• By adding the causative suffix `/-tìr/` to a lexical causative verb. For example, the lexical causative ṭhèl ('extinguish', 'cause to stop burning') can become ìn-ṭhèl-tìr ('cause someone to extinguish something').

Isomorphism of possessive prefixes and agreement proclitics

A notable feature of Kuki-Chin languages, including Hmar, is the isomorphism (similarity in form) between nominal possessive prefixes and verbal subject agreement proclitics. This suggests a historical link or shared morphological origin for markers of possession on nouns and subject agreement on verbs.

Case system

Beyond ergativity, Hmar employs a system of case marking to indicate the grammatical functions of nouns within a sentence. While the nominative case marker is often null, other cases such as dative and locative are marked by postpositions. The interaction between case marking and agreement is a key aspect of Hmar grammar.

Writing System

The Hmar language uses a Roman script-based alphabet consisting of 25 letters, as detailed in the "Phonology" section. The Khawsak dialect has been adopted as the common standard for literary purposes and language teaching among the various Hmar groups.

Early literature and publications

Early efforts in Hmar literature were significantly driven by religious purposes and the desire for literacy in the native language.

• Dr. Thanglung authored a Hmar language primer titled Bu Hmasa (First Primer) around 1928-1929, which was instrumental in promoting literacy and is reportedly still used in primary schools in Manipur.
• Hymn books were among the earliest published materials.
• The New Testament of the Bible in Hmar was published in 1947, followed by the complete Bible in 1972.
• A notable early non-religious work was a dictionary compiled by Dr. Thanglung, a medical practitioner.
• Various community-led efforts resulted in the publication of weekly, fortnightly, monthly, and annual news magazines, though many faced challenges in sustaining publication.

Since the mid-20th century, a more substantial number of books have been published, contributing to the development of Hmar as a Modern Indian Language (MIL).

Official Status and Usage

Hmar has been recognized as a language for educational purposes and as a Modern Indian Language (MIL) in several states in Northeast India.

Manipur

• 1956: The Hmar language was formally recognized by the Government of Manipur.
• 1968: Permission was granted to teach Hmar at the primary level in Manipur.
• 1985: Hmar was elevated to the status of an MIL and included in the High School Leaving Certificate (HSLC) Examination as a half-paper carrying fifty marks.
• 1997: Hmar became a full paper in the HSLC Examinations.
• 2000: Hmar was included at the higher secondary level.
• 2003 onwards: Manipur University granted permission for the study of Hmar at the degree level, with examinations permitted from 2003.
• There have been ongoing efforts to introduce Hmar as an Elective and Major subject in degree courses at Manipur University.

Textbooks developed in Manipur, such as "Readers," have also been adopted by some vernacular schools in Cachar, Assam, for upper primary schooling.

Assam

• The Government of Assam recognized Hmar as a medium of instruction via Memo No. EMI. 82/67/199 dated Shillong, 25 March 1969.
• 1984-1985: Hmar was introduced as the medium of instruction in primary classes in the autonomous district of North Cachar Hills.
• Vernacular Middle Schools teaching in Hmar up to the Upper Primary level were established in places like Hmarkhawlien and Diphucherra in Cachar. A similar school was established in Saron (North Cachar Hills) but was later recognized as a Middle English School where Hmar was taught as a language paper only, due to changes in government policy regarding vernacular schools.
• Initially, Manipur textbooks were unofficially used. However, due to the need for content relevant to Assam's local history, geography, and culture, and following the National Policy on Education (1986) requiring NCERT norms, new textbooks from Pre-Primary to Secondary stages were developed by the Hmar community in Assam. The SCERT Assam later developed primers and textbooks, with Hmar adapting to these patterns.
• 2007: The Board of Secondary Education Assam (SEBA) recognized and introduced Hmar as a language paper in the HSLC Examinations (vide No. SEBA/AB/HMAR/2007/01 dated 23 August 2007).
• 2008: The Assam Higher Secondary Education Council (AHSEC) allowed the introduction of Hmar as an MIL paper in classes XI and XII (vide AHSEC/ACA/CURR. SYLL/01/96/94 dated 3 January 2008).
• 2010: Assam University, Silchar, recognized Hmar as an MIL paper for the first Degree (TDC) (vide No. AUD-56/2009-10/2004 dated 23 July 2010).

New textbooks had to be written for all these levels according to the norms laid down by the respective educational authorities.

Mizoram and Meghalaya

In both Mizoram and Meghalaya, the Hmar tribe is recognized as a Scheduled Tribe (Hills). There have been efforts to introduce the teaching of Hmar language at the primary level in these states, though significant progress had not been reported by the time of V.L. Bapui's 2017 article. The earlier statement "Hmar is a recognised language in the School curriculum of Assam, Manipur and Mizoram..." requires nuance based on this source, particularly for Mizoram where introduction at primary level was still an ongoing effort.

Preservation Efforts

The Hmar language is considered endangered due to decreasing transmission among younger generations and the increasing influence of dominant regional languages such as Mizo, Manipuri, Assamese, and Bengali.

Formal institutional support for Hmar language preservation is limited; however, grassroots efforts have emerged in recent years. Online communities on platforms such as WhatsApp and Facebook serve as important spaces where speakers and learners share resources, discuss grammar, and encourage the use of Hmar in daily communication. These digital groups play a vital role in sustaining interest and usage of the language, especially among younger members of the community.

The Hmar language is recognized in the school curricula of some regions and has been acknowledged as one of the Modern Indian Languages at Manipur University. However, the extent of educational support varies across different areas.

Linguists and community members emphasize the importance of documenting the language, developing educational materials, and raising awareness to help preserve Hmar and maintain the cultural identity of its speakers.

Challenges in language education

Despite progress in achieving recognition for Hmar in education, several challenges persist:

• Textbook Development: Preparing suitable textbooks remains a major hurdle. Adapting to national (NCERT) or state (SCERT) guidelines, which are often based on Indo-Aryan language structures (like Assamese with its sandhis and combined consonants), poses difficulties for a Tibeto-Burman language like Hmar with its distinct phonetic and orthographic system (e.g., Hmar's 25-letter alphabet). While the Assam State Government has supported the development and free distribution of textbooks up to the Lower Primary level, and the Hmar community itself has developed materials, the need for standardized and contextually appropriate textbooks across all levels is ongoing.
• Teacher Support and Appointment: A significant challenge is the lack of government-appointed and supported teachers for Hmar language from the Upper Primary level to the Degree level in states like Assam. Often, teachers are appointed and sustained through community efforts with minimal remuneration, placing a considerable burden on the Hmar community. As of 2017, in Assam alone, Hmar could potentially be taught in approximately 90 primary schools, 39 high schools, and 15 higher secondary schools and colleges (both government and non-government), highlighting the need for sanctioned teacher posts.

These challenges underscore the need for continued institutional and community efforts to ensure the vitality and transmission of the Hmar language through the education system.

Cultural Significance

Ṭawngkasuok

Ṭawngkasuok (Anglicized: Trong-ka-sook) are traditional sayings or adages of the Hmar people, deeply embedded in their culture and serving as repositories of wisdom and guidance. The term is a Hmar compound word: ṭawng meaning 'language' or 'dialect', ka meaning 'mouth', and suok meaning 'out of'. Thus, it literally translates to "language spoken out of the mouth." The initial letter 'Ṭ' is a retroflex stop, pronounced with the tongue against the roof of the mouth, similar to a 'tr' sound as in 'tree'. Hmar people use Ṭawngkasuok in conversations to offer advice, emphasize a point, or impart traditional wisdom, particularly to younger generations.

Below are some examples of Ṭawngkasuok:

• A chângin hmar thing a pâr a, a chângin sim thing a pâr.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "Sometimes the north-tree flowers, at other times, the south-tree."
   *   **Explanation:** This saying conveys that everyone will have their chance to succeed or shine; if not today, their time will come. It encourages perseverance and patience. The "north-tree" and "south-tree" are metaphorical, suggesting that success is not limited by direction or current circumstances.

• Ṭawng inbuo le tui inbuo rût thei an nawh.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "Words once spoken are like spilled water, irretrievable once released."
   *   **Explanation:** This adage advises caution in speech, emphasizing that words, once uttered, cannot be taken back, much like spilled water. It highlights the lasting consequences of one's words. The rhyming of ṭawng inbuo (words spilled) and tui inbuo (water spilled) adds to its poetic quality.

• Lal ngai lo lal a kha.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "A king who was never a king before is noxious (bitter)."
   *   **Explanation:** This saying suggests that individuals unaccustomed to power may misuse it when suddenly given authority, becoming cruel or corrupt. It can also generally refer to someone who, upon gaining wealth or status they never had, becomes extravagant or spoiled.

• Pân lovah tho a fu ngai nawh.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "A fly sits nowhere but on an infected skin."
   *   **Explanation:** This metaphor implies that if rumors or negative things are said about someone or something, there is likely some truth to it, at least in part. It is similar to the English saying, "Where there is smoke, there is fire."

• Khûpin lû a khêl thei nawh.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "A knee cannot rise to/surpass the stature/level of a head."
   *   **Explanation:** While literally true, this Ṭawngkasuok symbolizes the importance of seniority and experience. It suggests that younger individuals cannot easily attain the wisdom or standing of their elders.

• Keipuiin a zie a thup thei nawh.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "A lioness cannot conceal her true character."
   *   **Explanation:** Similar to idioms like "a tiger never changes his stripes," this saying means that a person's fundamental nature or ingrained traits will eventually reveal themselves, despite attempts to hide or change them.

• Taimak chu ieng dangin a mâk naw a, kawng chauvin a mâk.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "Hard work is good in all aspects, except the toll it takes on one’s waist."
   *   **Explanation:** This adage praises diligence, highly valued in Hmar culture. It suggests that hard work brings many benefits (like better food and respect), with physical strain being its only downside.

• Chem zawr le dar zawr an intuok.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "The machete seller and the gong seller cross paths."
   *   **Explanation:** This saying describes a situation where two individuals with contrasting or complementary needs or desires meet. Historically, it was used to describe a hastily married couple, symbolizing the coming together of two people with different wants that the other could fulfill. It doesn't imply superiority of one item (machete or gong) over the other.

• Ei thaw dawl le dawl ei fâk a, ei thaw rak le marak ei fâk.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "If one works lazily, he eats taro leaves; if he works hard, he eats marak (firm rice)."
   *   **Explanation:** This saying emphasizes the rewards of diligence. Taro leaves represent modest food, while marak (a cherished firm rice, also known as buchangrum) symbolizes a better reward for hard work. The saying has a poetic quality due to internal rhymes.

• Keite in lai suktho naw ro.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "Do not wake a sleeping wildcat." (or leopard)
   *   **Explanation:** This is a warning against provoking unnecessary danger or trouble, similar to "Let sleeping dogs lie." It advises against challenging someone who is currently calm but could be dangerous if provoked.

• Suhlu kûngah thei dang a ra ngai nawh.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "No other fruit grows on the gooseberry tree."
   *   **Explanation:** This adage points to the resemblance in character or behavior between parents and their children, often used in a negative context. For instance, if a child of a known thief is caught stealing, this saying might be invoked.

• Ṭawngbau ṭha’n siel a man.

   *   **Contextual Translation:** "Sweet words win a prized gayal (mithun)."
   *   **Explanation:** This metaphor signifies that respectful and kind language can win hearts or achieve difficult objectives. The siel (mithun) is a highly valued animal in Hmar culture.

These sayings reflect the Hmar people's values, including a strong work ethic, respect for elders, caution in speech, and resilience.

Sikpui Ruoi (Great Winter Festival) and its Hla (Song)

Among the many festivals of the Hmar people, Sikpui Ruoi (meaning Sik = winter, Pui = Great, Ruoi = Feast/Festival) is considered the most significant. It is a festival celebrated since ancient times, marking a period of abundance when the previous year's harvest is still plentiful even as the new harvest season begins. Such a year is termed fapang ralinsan.

Origin and celebration

The exact origin of Sikpui Ruoi is debated, with theories suggesting it began:

• Around 900 A.D. in the Shan state of Thailand after the Hmars left Sinlung.
• In the Shan state of Burma, possibly before 1100 A.D., as some Hranglam (songs of heroes) and references in the Sikpui Hlapui (main Sikpui song) point to Hmar sojourns in Burma, including a village named Durlai.
• Between the Run and Tieu rivers, as evidenced by place names mentioned in collected verses of Sikpui Hla.

Preparations for Sikpui Ruoi begin months in advance, with young men and women winnowing the previous year's rice, which is then distributed among households for brewing Zu (rice beer).\pFname="VarteSikpui" /> The festival typically lasts for seven days, though it can extend longer. During the celebration, families bring their Zu to a common venue to share, feast, and make merry.

Sikpui Ruoi is primarily a celebration of nature's bounty and the community's symbiotic relationship with it. It is a highly inclusive festival where social distinctions of wealth or status are minimized, and the rich are encouraged to show magnanimity. It signifies the collective prosperity of the community rather than individual achievements.

Sikpui Hla and the Hlapui

The songs accompanying the various Sikpui dances are collectively known as Sikpui Hla. The most sacred among these is the Sikpui Hlapui (Main Sikpui Song), which must be sung before the dances can commence. One version of its lyrics translates as:

While we are preparing for the Sikpui feast,
The big red sea becomes divided.
As we are marching forward fighting our foes,
We are being led by a cloud during day;
And by pillar of fire during night.
Our enemies, ye folk are thick with fury,
Come out with your shields and spears.
Fighting our foes all day,
We march along as cloud-fire goes afore.
The enemies we fight all day,
The big sea swallowed them like beast.
Collect the quails,
Drink the water that gushes out of the rock.

This song has generated considerable discussion due to its striking resemblance to the Exodus narrative of the Israelites, including references to a divided sea (possibly the Red Sea), guidance by a cloud and pillar of fire, and miraculous provision of quail and water from a rock. This has led to various interpretations:

• Some view it as evidence supporting theories of a Jewish origin for the Chin-Kuki-Mizo peoples, particularly the Bnei Menashe theory.
• Others suggest the Hmars might have encountered Nestorianism or had contact with Jewish communities during their migrations from China through Central Asia or other regions between 300-1200 AD, preserving the Exodus story in their oral traditions.
• Alternatively, the song may primarily recount historical tribal wars and migrations of the Hmar people, with the Exodus-like elements being later interpretations or symbolic representations.

Regardless of its ultimate origin, the Sikpui Hlapui is a significant cultural artifact, preserving collective memories and narratives.

Social cohesion and conflict resolution

Feasting plays a crucial role in Hmar society for fostering unity and resolving conflicts. The Sikpui Ruoi, with its communal feasting, serves this purpose. It was traditionally considered taboo to participate in the feast with grudges. Any enmity had to be resolved before the festival, promoting harmony. The act of Tleng hmunkhata bufak (eating off the same plate) symbolizes oneness and peace. An essential part of conflict resolution is the Inremna ruoi (Feast of Reconciliation), and the Sikpui Ruoi often facilitates such processes. The communal dances, where men and women hold hands, also signify mutual acceptance and joy.

Other traditional songs and oral traditions

Besides the Sikpui Hla, the Hmar community has a rich repertoire of other traditional songs and oral literature that reflect their history, beliefs, and social customs. These are integral to ceremonies, other festivals, and communal gatherings, serving to preserve the language and cultural heritage. Notable examples include:

• Hranglam Hla : A song celebrating the valor and achievements of warriors and hunters. It consists of 44 verses recounting tales of bravery and conquest. A notable excerpt includes:

• Chawnlam Hla : performed during the Chawnlam dance associated with the harvest festival. It is characterized by rhythmic drumming and synchronized movements symbolizing gratitude for a bountiful harvest.

• Hnuoi Vanram : A song dedicated to a revered figure, Hnuoi Vanram, describing his virtues and impact on the community.

• Sinlung Mawi : Written by L. Keivom, a patriotic song expressing the Hmar people's longing for their ancestral homeland, Sinlung. The lyrics emphasize themes of identity and nostalgia.

These songs, along with others, function as vessels of history, culture, and identity for the Hmar people. Efforts to document and preserve these songs contribute to maintaining the linguistic and cultural heritage of the Hmar language.

See Also

• Mizo language
• Kuki-Chin languages
• Languages of Northeast India
• Hmar people

External Links

• VIRTHL-Ushering Change: News & Info House of the Hmars Visit Site
• Hmar Rûnpui : Hmar Social Networking Visit Site
• Manipur Online The Unresolved Issues of the Hmar
• Hmar.in
• Hmarram.com
• Sinlung News Sinlung
• Hmar Language Dataset Project