Christianization: Difference between revisions
Jenhawk777 (talk | contribs) →Bibliography: Riche was already referenced in the article in a single citation. I have added him to the bibliography so he can be reused in the section on the Franks. |
Jenhawk777 (talk | contribs) →{{anchor|Europe}}Christianization of Europe (6th–18th centuries): beginning next section Tag: Disambiguation links added |
||
Line 116: | Line 116: | ||
Christianization of the central [[Balkans]] is documented at the end of the 4th century, where [[Nicetas of Remesiana|Nicetas]] the Bishop of [[Remesiana]] brought the gospel to "those mountain wolves", the [[Bessi]].<ref>Gottfried Schramm: A New Approach to Albanian History 1994</ref> |
Christianization of the central [[Balkans]] is documented at the end of the 4th century, where [[Nicetas of Remesiana|Nicetas]] the Bishop of [[Remesiana]] brought the gospel to "those mountain wolves", the [[Bessi]].<ref>Gottfried Schramm: A New Approach to Albanian History 1994</ref> |
||
=={{anchor|Europe}}Christianization of Europe ( |
=={{anchor|Europe}} Christianization of Europe (5th–1 8th centuries)== |
||
<!-- The anchor is set in the title so links to #Europe line up with title, not below it. --> |
<!-- The anchor is set in the title so links to #Europe line up with title, not below it. --> |
||
===Romanness, tolerance and intolerance=== |
|||
⚫ | |||
The nature of Roman culture contributed to its Christianization: religious syncretism, Roman political culture, a common language, and Hellenist philosophy made Christianization of the Roman empire easier than in places like Persia or China.{{sfn|Praet|1992-1993|p=11-12}} The relative ease of travel that was enabled by universal currency, a system of laws, relative internal security, and good roads aided the process of Christianization as well. Judaism was also significantly important to the spread of Christianity. Evidence clearly shows the Jewish [[Diaspora]] communities were where Christians gave many of their earliest sermons.{{sfn|Praet|1992-1993|p=16}} |
|||
⚫ | Reformatting native religious and cultural activities and beliefs into a Christianized form was officially sanctioned; preserved in the [[Bede|Venerable Bede]]'s ''[[Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum]]'' is a letter from [[Pope Gregory I]] to [[Mellitus]], arguing that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions, while claiming that the traditions were in honor of the Christian God, "to the end that, whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them, they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of God".<ref>{{cite book |author=Bede |author-link1=Bede |translator-last=Jane |translator-first=L. C. |year=2007 |orig-date=1910 |title=The Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Gp8vZVINSukC&q=%22the+more+easily+consent+to+the+inward%22&pg=PA53 |location=New York |publisher=Cosimo Classics |page=53 |isbn=9781602068322 |access-date=16 September 2017 }}</ref> |
||
The two religious traditions co-existed and largely tolerated each other throughout most of the fourth and fifth centuries.{{sfn|Leone| 2013| pp= 13, 42}}{{sfn|Cameron| 1993| p=392–393}}{{sfn|Brown|1998|p=645}} Christianization had worked in both directions transforming the structure and ideals of both the Church and the Empire through this long period of symbiosis.{{sfn|Brown |1963| p=284}} By the time a fifth-century pope attempted to denounce the [[Lupercalia]] as 'pagan superstition', religion scholar [[Elizabeth A. Clark|Elizabeth Clark]] says "it fell on deaf ears".{{sfn|Clark| 1992|pp= 543–546}} In Historian [[Robert Austin Markus|R. A. Markus's]] reading of events, this marked a [[colonization]] (the appropriation of something belonging to others for one's own use) by Christians of pagan values and practices.{{sfn|Markus|1990|pp=141–142}} For Alan Cameron, the mixed culture that included the continuation of the circuses, amphitheaters and games – sans sacrifice – on into the sixth century involved the secularization of paganism rather than appropriation by Christianity.{{sfn|Cameron |2011|pp= 8–10}}{{refn|group=note| |
|||
⚫ | |||
*After the mid-fifth century, pagan temples began, on occasion, being converted into Christian churches.{{sfn|Lavan|Mulryan|2011|p=xxxix}}{{sfn|Markus|1990|p=142}} Scholarship has been divided over whether this represents Christianization as a general effort to demolish the pagan past, was instead simple pragmatism, an attempt to preserve the past's art and architecture, or some combination.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017| pp=166-167; 177}} Feyo Schuddeboom addresses this by using the city of Rome as a microcosm of temple conversion in the empire.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=167}} |
|||
⚫ | |||
* Although it is a small percentage of the four hundred and twenty-four temples known to have existed in Rome, Rome witnessed eleven temple conversions from the seventh to the twelfth century, which is more than any other single location in the empire.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017| pp=167-169; 176}} |
|||
In most of Britain, the native Britons were already partly Christianized by the time of the [[Anglo-Saxon settlement of Britain]]; it is not clear how thorough this process had been. Ireland, and parts of Scotland, had been converted by the [[Romano-British]] Christians, led by [[Saint Patrick]]. However, ecclesiastics of the time such as the British [[Gildas]] and later Anglo-Saxon [[Bede]], criticized them for generally refusing to work at all for the conversion of the [[Heptarchy|Anglo-Saxons]]; in fact, many were absorbed into the religion and culture of the new settlers. |
|||
* Schuddeboom lists these as the churches of "San Bartolomeo all’Isola, San Basilio, San Lorenzo in Miranda, Santa Maria dei Martiri, Santa Maria de Secundicerio, San Nicola in Carcere, San Nicola dei Cesarini, San Sebastiano al Palatino, Santo Stefano delle Carrozze, Sant’Urbano alla Caffarella, and the oratory of Saints Peter and Paul (now Santa Francesca Romana)... located in the ancient city center, except Sant’Urbano, which is on the Via Appia. |
|||
⚫ | The conversion of the [[Anglo-Saxons]] was begun at about the same time |
||
* In addition, we know of three Mithraea in Rome that were [reduced to rubble and] built over by churches: at San Clemente, Santa Prisca, and Santo Stefano Rotondo, all situated well outside the city center. These Mithraea have traditionally been included in the temple conversions in Rome, but, ... they in fact form a distinct group chronologically, architecturally, topographically, and conceptually".{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017| pp=167-169}} |
|||
[[Arwald]] (died 686), [[Jutes|Jutish]] King of the [[Isle of Wight]], was the last pagan king in Anglo-Saxon England. |
|||
* According to modern archaeology, 120 pagan temples were converted to churches in the whole of the empire, out of the thousands of temples that existed, with two thirds of them dated at the end of the fifth century or later. In the fourth and fifth century, there were no conversions of temples in the city of Rome.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017| pp=169}} None of the churches attributed to [[Martin of Tours]] can be shown to have existed in Gaul in the fourth century.{{sfn|Lavan|Mulryan|2011|p=178}} |
|||
The [[Viking expansion#Britain and Ireland|Viking invasions of Britain and Ireland]] destroyed many monasteries and new Viking settlers restored paganism—though of a different variety to the Saxon or classical religions—to areas such as Northumbria and [[Dublin]] for a time before their own conversion. |
|||
* [[R. P. C. Hanson]] says the direct conversion of temples into churches did not begin until the mid fifth century in any but a few isolated incidents.<ref>R. P. C. HANSON, THE TRANSFORMATION OF PAGAN TEMPLES INTO CHURCHES IN THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CENTURIES, Journal of Semitic Studies, Volume 23, Issue 2, Autumn 1978, Pages 257–267, Accessed 26 June 2020 https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/23.2.257</ref>{{rp|257}} It is likely this timing stems from the fact that these buildings and places remained officially in public use, ownership could only be transferred by the emperor, and temples remained protected by law.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=181-182}} |
|||
⚫ | |||
⚫ | |||
⚫ | |||
[[File: Stuttgart Psalter fol23.jpg|thumb|9th-century depiction of Christ as a heroic warrior ([[Stuttgart Psalter]], fol. 23)]] |
|||
The [[Germanic peoples]] underwent gradual Christianization in the course of the [[Early Middle Ages]], resulting in a unique form of Christianity known as [[Germanic Christianity]] that was frequently some blend of Arian Christianity and Germanic paganism. The Eastern and Western tribes were the first to convert through various means. However, it would not be until the 12th century that the [[North Germanic peoples]] had Christianized. |
|||
*"That Christian emperors continued to protect the temple buildings of Rome is evident from their legislation. A law by [[Constantius]] and [[Constans]], issued to the urban prefect of Rome, already prescribed that “although all superstitions must be completely eradicated, nevertheless, it is Our will that the buildings of the temples situated outside the walls shall remain untouched and uninjured.” [[Arcadius]] and [[Honorius]] issued a law to the praetorian prefect of Italy, determining that “all public buildings and buildings that belong to any temple, those that are situated within the walls of the city or even those that are attached to the walls, [ . . . ] shall be held and kept by decurions and members of guilds.” Finally, a law by [[Leo I (emperor)|Leo]] and [[Majorian]], issued to the urban prefect of Rome, specifically demanded that “all the buildings that have been founded by the ancients as temples [ . . . ] shall not be destroyed by any person.”... These laws stand in contrast to those in the East, which call for the destruction of temples; see CTh 16.10.16, 25." says Schuddeboom.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=179 fn.39}} |
|||
In the polytheistic Germanic tradition, it was possible to worship [[Jesus]] next to the native gods like [[Woden]] and [[Thor]]. Before a battle, a pagan military leader might pray to Jesus for victory, instead of [[Odin]], if he expected more help from the [[God in Christianity|Christian God]]. According to legend, Clovis had prayed thus before a battle against one of the kings of the [[Alemanni]], and had consequently attributed his victory to Jesus.<ref>Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.48</ref> The Christianization of the Franks laid the foundation for the further Christianization of the Germanic peoples. |
|||
* "What portion of this real estate was made available to the Church was therefore principally a matter of imperial, not Church, policy".{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=181-182}} That is why [[Boniface IV ]](608–615) needed authorization in 609 from the emperor [[Phocas]] to convert the [[Pantheon, Rome |Pantheon]] into a Church, and why [[Honorius I]] (625–638) asked the emperor [[Heraclius|Heraclius’s]] permission to recycle the bronze roof tiles of the temple of Venus and Roma.<ref>MacDonald, William L. (1976). ''The Pantheon: Design, Meaning, and Progeny''. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. {{ISBN|0-674-01019-1}}</ref><ref>Krautheimer, R. 1980. Rome, Profile of a City, 312-1308. Princeton, New Jersey.</ref> {{rp|65–72}} It is only with the formation of the Papal State in the eighth century, (when the emperor’s properties in the West came into the possession of the bishop of Rome), that the conversions of temples in Rome took off in earnest.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=179}} |
|||
The next impulse came from the edge of Europe. Although Ireland had never been part of the Roman Empire, Christianity had come there and developed, largely independently, into [[Celtic Christianity]]. The Irish monks had developed a concept of ''peregrinatio''.<ref>Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.67</ref> This essentially meant that a monk would leave the monastery and his Christian country to proselytize among the heathens. From 590 onwards, Irish missionaries were active in [[Gaul]], Scotland, [[Wales]] and England. During the [[Saxon Wars]], [[Charlemagne]], [[King of the Franks]], Christianized the [[Saxons]] by way of warfare and law upon conquest.<ref>Examples include the [[Massacre of Verden]] in 782, during which Charlemagne reportedly had 4,500 captive Saxons massacred upon rebelling against conversion, and the ''[[Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae]]'', a law imposed on conquered Saxons in 785 which prescribes death to those that refuse to convert to Christianity.</ref><ref name="CHARLEMAGNE">For the Massacre of Verden, see Barbero, Alessandro (2004). ''Charlemagne: Father of a Continent'', page 46. [[University of California Press]]. For the ''Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae'', see Riché, Pierre (1993). ''The Carolingians''. [[University of Pennsylvania Press]]. {{ISBN|978-0-8122-1342-3}}.</ref> |
|||
* "With the sole exception of the Pantheon, all known temple conversions in Rome date from the time of the Papal State, when imperial donations were no longer required".{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=182}} Temple conversion was limited to a small number of buildings and sites, without any sign of ideological based actions or wanton destruction.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=181}} Temples were preserved whole or repaired for reuse just as many secular buildings were.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=174}} |
|||
The last pagan revolt in [[West Francia|Francia]] occurred in the [[Duchy of Normandy]] during the 10th century. In a battle against the king [[Louis IV of France]], the pagan [[Normans]] were defeated, and their two leaders Setric (Sigtrygg) and Turmod (Thormod) slain.<ref>Neil S. Price, ''The Vikings in Brittany'', Vol. 22, 6, Viking Society for Northern Research, University College London, 1989, p. 370.</ref> According to [[Richer of Reims]], 9,000 pagans were slain.<ref>Philippe Lauer, ''Le règne de Louis IV d'Outre-Mer'', Emile Bouillon, Paris, 1900, p. 273.</ref> |
|||
* Schuddeboom concludes "There is nothing to suggest that their status as former places of pagan worship made them any less or more attractive than other buildings possessed of similar architectural and topographical qualities...".{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|p=181}} Individual temples and temple sites were converted to churches primarily to preserve their exceptional architecture or were used pragmatically because of their exceptional location.{{sfn|Schuddeboom|2017|pp=181-182}}}} |
|||
Up to the time of Justin I and Justinian I (527 to 565), there was some toleration for all religions; there were anti-sacrifice laws, but they were not enforced. Thus, up into the sixth century, there still existed centers of paganism in Athens, Gaza, Alexandria, and elsewhere.{{sfn|Constantelos|1964|p=372}}{{refn|group=note|When [[Benedict of Nursia]] went to [[Monte Cassino]] around 530, he found a temple to [[Apollo]] with its statue and altar on which people still placed their offerings.<ref>Hinson, E. ''The Early Church: Origins to the Dawn of the Middle Ages''. Abingdon Press (2010). Part. "The Western Rome Empire".</ref> By the 590s, [[Pope Gregory I]] complains about pagan rituals among landowners and peasants on Church lands in [[Sicily]] and [[Sardinia]].<ref>Salamon, Maciej. ''Paganism in the Later Roman Empire and in Byzantium''. Universitas (1991). p. 128.</ref> }} Brown points out that, even though the imperial laws against sacrifice were not enforced, they did have a cumulative effect: by 425, they had set in place a religious ordering of society with Catholics at the center and others at the periphery.{{sfn|Brown|1998|p=639}} That ordering would thereafter prove to be an inseparable adjunct of imperial rule, in the empire itself and, later, in the sub-imperial states of the west.{{sfn|Brown|1998|p=639}} |
|||
It is possible to follow in the laws the emergence of a language of intolerance shared by the Christian court and by vocal elements in provincial society.{{sfn|Brown|1998|p=639}} Christian writers and imperial legislators alike drew on a rhetoric of incessant conquest and reconquest that affected every facet of upper-class society.{{sfn|Brown|1998|p=640}} These Christian sources with their violent rhetoric, have had great influence on modern perceptions of this period.{{sfn|Bayliss|p=68}} However, outside of violent rhetoric, non-Christian (non-heretical) groups of pagans and Jews lived peacefully alongside their Christian neighbors through a tolerance based on contempt throughout most of Late Antiquity.{{sfn|Brown|1998|pp=633, 641}}{{sfn|MacMullen| 1986|pp=133 - 134}} |
|||
===Paradigm shift: [[Justinian I]] and the [[Byzantine papacy]]=== |
|||
{{Main|Byzantine papacy}} |
|||
⚫ | |||
[[File:Justinien 527-565.svg|thumb|left|The extent of the Byzantine Empire under Justinian's uncle Justin I shown in light brown. The orange shows the conquests of his successor, Justinian I also known as Justinian the Great|alt=this is a map showing the area that Justinian I conquered]] |
|||
Christianization changed between the fifth and eighth centuries. The weight of wealth after the fifth century turned Christianity in a new direction.{{sfn|Brown |2012| pp= 512–515; 530}}{{refn|group=note|In Late Antiquity, people had felt no need for special holy men who could access the divine for them, but the gradual "magicization" of the church's sacraments and devotions also increased the role of "holy men" who could provide that.{{sfn|Markus|1990|p=26}} For the laity, that meant their donations, which had been for maintenance of the church, the sick and the poor, instead became donations for the dead to insure their salvation after death, all of which went into church coffers.{{sfn|Brown|2012|pp=514–517, 530}}}} This period shifted away from the "massive" Greek and Roman secularism common to John Chrysostom's and Augustine's fourth century world. By the time of Pope Gregory I (540 – 604), "there was little room for the secular" in it.{{sfn|Markus |1990| p=228}} |
|||
The era that begins with Justinian I is a threshold of beginnings and endings.<ref name="Uthemann">Uthemann, Karl-Heinz. "Christ's Image versus Christology: Thoughts on the Justinianic Era as Threshold of an Epoch." The Sixth Century: End or Beginning?. Brill, 2017. 197-223.</ref>{{rp|198}} In these centuries, Ancient Christianity, (as it had existed in the Western empire with some religious competition, toleration and secularism), comes to an end.{{sfn|Brown| 2012| p=515}}{{sfn|Markus|1990|p=228}} Most scholars agree the 7th and 8th centuries are when the 'end of the ancient world' is most conclusive and well documented.<ref>BROWN, P. R. L. “RELIGIOUS DISSENT IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE: THE CASE OF NORTH AFRICA.” History, vol. 46, no. 157, 1961, pp. 83–101. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24405338. Accessed 22 Aug. 2022.</ref>{{rp|85}} The middle Byzantine period develops.<ref name="Uthemann"/> Eleven of the thirteen men who held the position of Roman Pope from the late seventh to the middle of the eighth century were the sons of families from the East.{{sfn|Ekonomou| 2007|pp=245–247}} This [[Byzantine papacy]], along with losses to Islam, and changes within Christianity itself, transformed Christianity into its medieval form as exemplified by the creation of the Papal state and the alliance between the papacy and the militant Frankish king [[Charlemagne]].{{sfn|Miller|1974|p79}}{{sfn|Salzman| 2021|pp=335–336}}{{sfn|Ekonomou| 2007|pp=63–64}}{{refn|group=note| |
|||
*In the first half of the sixth century, the eastern emperor Justinian I ({{reign|527|565}}) came to Rome to liberate it from barbarians leading to a guerrilla war that lasted nearly 20 years.{{sfn|Ekonomou|2007|p=1, 3}} After fighting ended, Justinian used what is known as a ''[[Pragmatic Sanction]]'' to assert control.{{sfn|Salzman |2021| p=298}} The Sanction effectively removed the supports that had allowed the senatorial aristocracy to retain power.{{sfn|Salzman|2021| p= 335}} The political and social influence of the Senate's aristocratic members began to disappear from civic life in Rome. By 630, the Senate had fully ceased to exist, and its building was converted into a church.{{sfn|Salzman|2021|p= 335}} Bishops stepped into civic leadership in their place.{{sfn|Salzman |2021|p=335}} The position and influence of the pope rose.{{sfn|Salzman| 2021| p=299}} By the eighth century, papal control of Rome was fully established. Italy can be said to have become a Christian country.{{sfn|Salzman| 2021| p= 335}} |
|||
*Under Justinian, "the full force of imperial legislation against deviants of all kinds, particularly religious" ones, was applied in practice, writes [[Judith Herrin]].<ref name="Herrin">{{cite book |last1=Herrin |first1=Judith |editor1-last=Rousseau |editor1-first=Philip |editor2-last=Papoutsakis |editor2-first=Emmanuel |title=Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown, Volume 2 |date=2009 |publisher=Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. |isbn=9780754665533 |edition=illustrated, reprint |chapter=Book Burning as purification}}</ref>{{rp|213}} According to [[Anthony Kaldellis]], Justinian is remembered as "the last Roman emperor of ecumenical importance", yet it is as the emperor who sought to extend Roman authority around the Mediterranean, that he is often seen as a tyrant and despot.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2012|pp=1-3}}{{sfn|Stern|1998|p=151}} Justinian sought to centralize imperial government, became increasingly autocratic, and "nothing could be done", (not even in the Church), that was contrary to the emperor's will and command.{{sfn|Mansi|1762|p=970B}} |
|||
*Where Constantine had granted the right to all to follow freely whatever religion they wished through the [[Edict of Milan]], Justinian's religious policy reflected his conviction that a unified Empire presupposed unity of faith.{{sfn|Irmscher|1988|p=165}}<ref>Anastos, Milton. "The Edict of Milan (313): A Defence of Its Traditional Authorship and Designation." Revue des études byzantines 25.1 (1967): 13-41.</ref> The church was prevented from using physical force to convert non-believers, especially Jews who were protected by law, but Justinian did use social boycotting, repressive law and his own personal interference in the affairs of others, such as instructing the Jews on how to practice their religion.{{sfn|Grayzel|1968|p=93}} The Samaritans had been in the same category as Jews, a permitted religion under Roman law, but in 529 Samaritans rose in revolt, were "ruthlessly crushed" and lost their status. Justinian persecuted them thereafter with rigorous edicts.{{sfn|Evans|2005|p=26}} |
|||
*He purged the bureaucracy of those who disagreed with him.{{sfn|Kaldellis|2012|p=2}} Imperial laws that had been laid down by pagan Emperors like Diocletian and Maximian to persecute Christians were used against the Manicheans.<ref>BROWN, PETER. “RELIGIOUS COERCION IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE: THE CASE OF NORTH AFRICA.” History, vol. 48, no. 164, 1963, pp. 283–305. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24405550. Accessed 26 Aug. 2022.</ref>{{rp|p=285}} Judith Lieu writes that, "By the sixth century, anathematized, vilified as a 'defilement', its leaders beheaded, their followers exiled, impoverished or also slain, Manichaeism was extinguished, and with its books destroyed, left only its name to the Christian world as a term of abuse for dualisms generally".<ref>Lieu, Judith M. (1999). "The'attraction of women'in/to early Judaism and Christianity: gender and the politics of conversion". Journal for the Study of the New Testament. 21 (72): 5–22. doi:10.1177/0142064X9902107202. S2CID 144475695.</ref> In Kaldellis' estimation, "Few emperors had started so many wars or tried to enforce cultural and religious uniformity with such zeal".{{sfn|Kaldellis|2012|p=3}}{{sfn|Irmscher|1988|p=166}}{{sfn|Lichtenberger|Raja|2018|pp=85-98}}{{sfn|Synek|2014|pp=245-258}} |
|||
*Herrin asserts that, under Justinian, this involved considerable destruction.{{sfn|Herrin|2009|p=213}} The decree of 528 had already barred pagans from state office when, decades later, Justinian ordered a "persecution of surviving Hellenes, accompanied by the burning of pagan books, pictures and statues" which took place at the ''Kynêgion''.{{sfn|Herrin|2009|p=213}} Herrin says it is difficult to assess the degree to which Christians are responsible for the losses of ancient documents in many cases, but in the mid-sixth century, active persecution in Constantinople destroyed many ancient texts.{{sfn|Herrin|2009|p=213}} |
|||
⚫ | *Reformatting native religious and cultural activities and beliefs into a Christianized form was officially sanctioned; preserved in the [[Bede|Venerable Bede]]'s ''[[Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum]]'' is a letter from [[Pope Gregory I]] (540-604) to [[Mellitus]] (d.604), arguing that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions, while claiming that the traditions were in honor of the Christian God, "to the end that, whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them, they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of God".<ref>{{cite book |author=Bede |author-link1=Bede |translator-last=Jane |translator-first=L. C. |year=2007 |orig-date=1910 |title=The Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation |url=https://books.google.com/books?id=Gp8vZVINSukC&q=%22the+more+easily+consent+to+the+inward%22&pg=PA53 |location=New York |publisher=Cosimo Classics |page=53 |isbn=9781602068322 |access-date=16 September 2017 }}</ref>}} |
||
===Ireland=== |
|||
⚫ | |||
[[Pope Celestine I]] (422-430) sent [[Palladius (bishop of Ireland)|Palladius]] to be the first bishop to the Irish in 431, and in 432, [[St Patrick]] began his mission there.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=103}} Scholars cite many questions (and scarce sources) concerning the next two hundred years.<ref name="Haley 2002">Haley, Gene C. “Tamlachta: The Map of Plague Burials and Some Implications for Early Irish History.” Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, vol. 22, 2002, pp. 96–140. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40285165. Accessed 24 Aug. 2022.</ref>{{rp|96}} Relying largely on recent archaeological developments, Lorcan Harney has reported to the Royal Academy that the missionaries and traders who came to Ireland in the fifth to sixth centuries were not backed by any military force.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=103}} Conversion and consolidation were long complex processes that took centuries.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=103}} Patrick and Palladius and other British and Gaulish missionaries aimed first at converting royal households. Patrick indicates in his ''Confessio'' that safety depended upon it.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=117}} Communities often followed their king en masse.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=117}} It is likely most natives were willing to embrace the new religion, and that most religious communities were willing to integrate themselves into the surrounding culture.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=119}} |
|||
Christianization of the Irish landscape was a complex process that varied considerably depending on local conditions.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=104}} Ancient sites were viewed with veneration, and were excluded or included for Christian use based largely on diverse local feeling about their nature, character, ethos and even location.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=120,121}} |
|||
The Irish monks developed a concept of ''peregrinatio'' where a monk would leave the monastery to preach among the 'heathens'. From 590, Irish missionaries were active in [[Gaul]], Scotland, [[Wales]] and Britain.<ref>Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.67</ref> |
|||
⚫ | |||
{{See also|Anglo-Saxon Christianity|Christianisation of Anglo-Saxon England}} |
|||
The most likely date for Christianity getting its first foothold in Britain is sometime around 200.{{sfn|Thomas|1981|p=34}} Recent archaeology indicates that, it had become an established minority faith by the fourth century. It was largely mainstream (there is no such thing as 'Celtic Christianity'), and in certain areas, had been continuous.<ref name="Review 1995">Thomas, Charles. "Evidence for Christianity in Roman Britain. The Small Finds. By CF Mawer. BAR British Series 243. Tempus Reparatum, Oxford, 1995. Pp. vi+ 178, illus. ISBN 0 8605 4789 2." Britannia 28 (1997): 506-507.</ref> |
|||
⚫ | The conversion of the [[Anglo-Saxons]] was begun at about the same time in both the north and south of the [[Anglo-Saxon kingdoms]] in two unconnected initiatives. Irish missionaries led by Saint [[Columba]], based in [[Iona]] (from 563), converted many [[Picts]].<ref>Sharpe, Richard. Life of St Columba. Penguin UK, 1995.</ref>{{rp|pp=30-33}} The court of Anglo-Saxon [[Northumbria]], and the [[Gregorian mission]], who landed in 596, did the same to the [[Kingdom of Kent]]. They had been sent by [[Pope Gregory I]] and were led by [[Augustine of Canterbury]] with a mission team from Italy. In both cases, as in other kingdoms of this period, conversion generally began with the royal family and the nobility adopting the new religion first.<ref name= "Wood 2007">Wood, Ian N. "Some historical re-identifications and the Christianization of Kent." Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals (2007): 27-35.</ref>{{rp|pp=20-22}} |
||
In early Anglo-Saxon England, non-stop religious development meant paganism and Christianity were never completely separate.<ref name= "Wood 2007"/>{{rp|p=34}} Lorcan Harney has reported that Anglo-Saxon churches were not built by pagan barrows before 11th century.{{sfn|Harney|2017|p=107}} |
|||
⚫ | |||
⚫ | |||
⚫ | |||
[[File:Bateme de Clovis par St Remy-edit.jpg|thumb|right|upright=0.65|Statue depicting the baptism of Clovis by [[Saint Remigius]].]] |
|||
The Franks first appear in the historical record in the 3rd century as a confederation of Germanic tribes living on the east bank of the lower Rhine River. [[Clovis I]] was the first [[List of Frankish kings|king of the Franks]] to unite all of the [[Franks|Frankish tribes]] under one ruler.{{sfn|Brown|2003|p=137}} According to legend, Clovis had prayed to the Christian god before his battle against one of the kings of the [[Alemanni]], and had consequently attributed his victory to Jesus.<ref>Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.48</ref> The most likely date of his conversion to Catholicism is Christmas Day, 508, following that [[Battle of Tolbiac]].<ref>{{cite journal|last1=Danuta|first1=Shanzer|title=Dating the Baptism of Clovis: The bishop of Vienna vs the bishop of Tours|journal=Early Medieval Europe|date=March 1998|volume=7|issue=1|pages=29–57|doi=10.1111/1468-0254.00017| s2cid=161819012 }}</ref><ref>Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.48</ref> He was baptized in [[Rheims]].<ref>Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.45-48, p.53</ref> <!--Christianity had been present in [[Gaul]] for 300 years then.--> The Frankish Kingdom became Christian over the next two centuries.<ref name="Lund 2022">Lund, James. "RELIGION AND THOUGHT." Modern Germany (2022): 113.</ref>{{rp|p=113}}<ref>[[Grave goods]], which of course are not a Christian practice, have been found until that time; see: Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.59</ref>{{refn|group=note|According to [[Willibald]]'s ''Life of Saint Boniface'', about 723, [[Saint Boniface|the missionary]] cut down the sacred [[Donar's Oak]] and used the lumber to build a church dedicated to St. Peter.<ref>Willibald. ''Life of Saint Boniface'', (George W. Robinson, trans.) (1916). Harvard University Press</ref> This account is highly stylized, portraying Boniface as a singular character who alone roots out paganism.<ref>{{cite book|last=Padberg|first=Lutz E. von|author-link=Lutz von Padberg|title=Bonifatius: Missionar und Reformer|year=2003|publisher=Beck|isbn=978-3-406-48019-5|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=XL2PML7WeKYC}}</ref>{{rp|40-41}} Around 744, [[Saint Sturm]] established the monastery of [[Princely Abbey of Fulda|Fulda]] on the ruins of a 6th-century Merovingian royal camp, destroyed 50 years earlier by the Saxons, at a ford on the Fulda River.}} |
|||
The conversion of the Saxons began with their forced incorporation into the Frankish kingdom in 776 by [[Charlemagne]] (r. 768-814). Thereafter, the Saxon's Christian conversion slowly progressed into the eleventh century resulting in a unique form of Christianity known as [[Germanic Christianity]].<ref name="Lund 2022"/> Saxons had been raiding Frankish holdings from the time of Clovis, and went back and forth between rebellion and submission to the Frankish king for decades.{{sfn|Riché|1993|p=87}} Charlemagne placed missionaries and counts across Saxony in hopes of pacifying the region, but Saxons rebelled again in 782 with disastrous losses for the Franks. In response, the Frankish King "enacted a variety of draconian measures" beginning with the massacre at Verden in 782 when he ordered the decapitation of 4500 Saxon prisoners offering them baptism as an alternative to death.{{sfn|Riché|1993|pp=105; 161}} These events were followed by the severe legislation of the ''Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae'' in 785 which prescribes death to those that are disloyal to the king, harm Christian churches or its ministers, or practice pagan burial rites.<ref name="CHARLEMAGNE">Barbero, Alessandro (2004). ''Charlemagne: Father of a Continent'', page 46. [[University of California Press]].</ref> His harsh methods of Christianization raised objections from his friends [[Alcuin]] and [[Paulinus II of Aquileia|Paulinus of Aquileia]].{{sfn|Riché|1993|p=299}} Charlemagne abolished the death penalty for paganism in 797.<ref>{{cite book|last=Needham|first=N. R.|title=2,000 Years of Christ's Power|url=https://books.google.com/books?id=SYP8SAAACAAJ|volume=Part Two: The Middle Ages|year=2000|publisher=Grace Publications Trust |isbn=978-0-946462-56-8}}</ref> |
|||
[[File:Sachsenhain Halsmühlen.jpg|thumb|The ''Sachsenhain'' memorial in Verden, Germany]] |
[[File:Sachsenhain Halsmühlen.jpg|thumb|The ''Sachsenhain'' memorial in Verden, Germany]] |
||
Revision as of 04:36, 2 September 2022
![]() | This article has multiple issues. Please help improve it or discuss these issues on the talk page. (Learn how and when to remove these messages)
|
Part of a series on |
History of religions |
---|
![]() |
Part of a series on |
Christianity |
---|
![]() |
Christianization (or Christianisation) was the conversion of societies to Christianity beginning in late antiquity in the Roman Empire and continuing through the Late Middle Ages in Europe. Outside of ancient Europe, the process was significantly reversed in the Levant by the Sunni Caliphate, with parallel process of Islamisation, beginning in pre-Islamic Arabia and the Near East.
Various strategies and techniques were employed in different regions and time periods. Often the conversion of the ruler was followed by the compulsory baptism of his subjects, often leading to the marginalisation of previously practiced religions. Some of these processes included evangelization by monks or priests, organic growth within an already partly Christianized society, or by campaigns against paganism, such as the conversion of pagan temples into Christian churches, or the condemnation of pagan gods and practices, such as declaring that the native pagan gods were actually, unbeknownst to the worshippers, demons. There is a long history of connecting Christianization and colonialism,[1] especially but not limited to the New World and other regions subject to settler colonialism. A strategy for Christianization was Interpretatio Christiana – the practice of converting native pagan practices and culture (see also: Inculturation), pagan religious imagery, pagan sites and the pagan calendar to Christian uses.
Christianization
‘Christianization,’ is a verb meaning to make Christian; to imbue with Christian principles; to become Christian. It can apply to the conversion of an individual, a practice, a place or a whole society.[2]: 101, 105 Jan Jongeneel describes four stages in the observed processes of Christianizing communities, their societies, and their cultures. The first stage is people-oriented, whereas the next three stages involve the transformation of the structures of society and culture.[2]: 107–108 This has historically included translation of the Christian message into local language and the Christianization of that language, education, and the creation of a Christian culture that has periodically crossed into forms of colonialism.[2]: 108–109 [3]: 132
Christianization has never been a one-way process.[4] There has been, instead, a parallelism in the processes of Christianization in that Christianity absorbed indigenous elements just as indigenous religions absorbed aspects of Christianity.[5] For example, Michelle Salzman has shown that in the process of converting the Roman Empire's aristocracy, Christianity was also shaped by the values of that aristocracy.[6] Polytheism openly adopted aspects of the new religion, transforming and adapting them to fit local needs.[7] Several early Christian writers, including Justin (2nd century), Tertullian, and Origen (3rd century) wrote of Mithraists copying Christian beliefs.[8] Christianity adopted aspects of Platonic thought, names for months and days of the week - even the concept of a seven-day week - from Roman paganism.[9] [10] Bruce David Forbes says that "Some way or another, Christmas was started to compete with rival Roman religions, or to co-opt the winter celebrations as a way to spread Christianity, or to baptize the winter festivals with Christian meaning in an effort to limit their [drunken] excesses. Most likely all three".[11]: 30
Ancient (Ante-Nicaean) Christianity

Christianization began slowly, amidst opposition in the Roman Empire, in the province of Judaea, in the region of Palestine, around 30–40 AD. There is agreement among twenty-first century scholars that Christianization of the Roman Empire did not happen by imposition from rulers to the ruled in the centuries preceding Constantine (315). Instead, it was acquired by one person from another, through imitation, and learning what constituted Christian self-identification.[12] Christianization of the early Roman Empire was the cumulative result of multiple individual behaviors.[13] This emergence was 'self-organized', distributed away from any central authority, and was based on common causes.[14] Christianity reached critical mass, (when there were enough adopters for it to be self-sustaining and able to generate further growth), in the hundred years between 150 to 250 when it moved from less than 50,000 adherents to over a million.[15][16][17][18] Scholars agree there was a significant rise thereafter in the absolute number of Christians in the third century.[19]
The Council of Jerusalem (around 50 AD) agreed the lack of circumcision could not be a basis for excluding Gentile believers from membership in the Jesus community. They instructed converts to avoid "pollution of idols, fornication, things strangled, and blood" (KJV, Acts 15:20–21).[20] These were put into writing, distributed (KJV Acts 16:4–5) by messengers present at the Council, and were received as an encouragement.[20]: 257 The Apostolic Decree helped to establish Ancient Christianity as unhindered by either ethnic or geographical ties. Christianity was experienced as a new start, and was open to both men and women, rich and poor. Baptism was free. There were no fees, and it was intellectually egalitarian, making philosophy and ethics available to ordinary people including those who might have lacked literacy.[21] Early Christian communities were highly inclusive in terms of social stratification and other social categories.[22]: 79 Heterogeneity characterized the groups formed by Paul the Apostle, and the role of women was much greater than in any of the forms of Judaism or paganism in existence at the time.[22]: 81 Early Christians were told to love others, even enemies, and Christians of all classes and sorts called each other "brother" and "sister". Recent research has shown it was the formal unconditional altruism of early Christianity that accounts for much of its otherwise surprising degree of success.[23]
Ante-Nicaean Christianity was also highly exclusive.[24] Believing was the crucial and defining characteristic that set a "high boundary" that strongly excluded the "unbeliever".[24] Keith Hopkins asserts: "It is this exclusivism, idealized or practiced, which marks Christianity off from most other religious groups in the ancient world".[25] In the eyes of many non-believers, Christianity was an unacceptable form of what Romans called superstitio; its founder had been executed by Roman authority, it was seen as having fallen away from the faith of the Jews, and could, therefore, claim no legitimate authority.[26] In response, some second-century apologists took the approach of referring to Christians as another genos or race, with their own history, and legitimate religious practices. This 'third race' concept may have originated in accusations from outsiders such as Suetonius, (Nero 16.2.), who described Christians in a derogatory manner as ‘a genus of people' who held a 'new and mischievous superstitio’.[27] In the Epistle to Diognetus, an extant late second century letter to a Roman official, the anonymous author observes that early Christians functioned as if they were a separate "third race": a nation within a nation. The Christian apologist Tertullian in his ad nationes (1.8; cf. 1.20), mocked the accusation that ‘we are called a third race’, yet there is also ambivalence, since he takes some pride in the uniqueness it represents.[28] The early Christian had exacting moral standards that included avoiding contact with those that were seen as still "in bondage to the Evil One": (2 Corinthians 6:1-18; 1 John 2: 15-18; Revelation 18: 4; II Clement 6; Epistle of Barnabas, 1920).[29] In Daniel Praet's view, the exclusivity of Christian monotheism formed an important part of its success, enabling it to maintain its independence in a society that syncretized religion.[30]
Armenia, Georgia, Ethiopia and Eritrea
In 301, Armenia became the first kingdom in history to adopt Christianity as an official state religion.[31] The transformations taking place in these centuries of the Roman Empire had been slower to catch on in Caucasia. Indigenous writing did not begin till the fifth century, there was an absence of large cities, and many institutions such as monasticism did not exist in Caucasia until the seventh century.[32] Scholarly consensus places the Christianization of the Armenian and Georgian elites in the first half of the fourth century, although Armenian tradition says Christianization began in the first century through the Apostles Thaddeus and Bartholomew.[33] This is said to have eventually led to the conversion of the Arsacid family, (the royal house of Armenia), through St. Gregory the Illuminator in the early fourth century.[33] Christianization took many generations and was not a uniform process.[34]: 35 Robert Thomson writes that it was not the officially established hierarchy of the church that spread Christianity in Armenia. "It was the unorganized activity of wandering holy men that brought about the Christianization of the populace at large".[34]: 45 The most significant stage in this process was the development of a script for the native tongue.[34]: 45
Scholars do not agree on the date, but most assert 337 as the year Mirian III of Iberia (present-day Georgia) adopted Christianity.[35] According to medieval Georgian narratives, Christianization there began with the Apostle Andrew the First-called and culminated in the evangelization of Iberia through the efforts of a captive woman known in Iberian tradition as "Nona" in the fourth century.[36] Fifth, 8th, and 12th century accounts of the conversion of Georgia reveal how pre-Christian practices were taken up and reinterpreted by Christian narrators.[37]
In 325, The Kingdom of Aksum (Modern Ethiopia and Eritrea) became the second country to declare Christianity as its official state religion.
Late antiquity (4th–5th centuries)

Fourth century favoritism, hostility, and iconoclasm
The Christianization of the Roman Empire is frequently divided by scholars into the two phases of before and after the conversion of Constantine in 312. Constantine has long been credited with ending the persecution of Christianity and establishing religious tolerance with the Edict of Milan, but the nature of the Edict, and Constantine's faith, are both heavily debated in the twenty-first century.[38][note 1]
According to Harold A. Drake, Constantine's religious policies did not stem from faith as much as they stemmed from his duty as Emperor to maintain peace in the empire.[38]: 4 Drake asserts that, since Constantine's reign followed Diocletian's failure to enforce a particular religious view, Constantine was able to observe that coercion had not produced peace.[38]: 4 Constantine's religious policy did aim at including the Church in a broader policy of civic unity, and this required some official tolerance of the pagan majority.[44]
Constantine's personal views favored one religion over the other, and he made his revulsion toward sacrifice clear, but contemporary scholars are in general agreement that he did not support the suppression of paganism by force.[45][46][47][48] He never engaged in a purge,[49] there were no pagan martyrs during his reign,[50][51] and pagans remained in important positions at his court.[45] Constantine ruled for 31 years and never outlawed paganism. In the words of an early edict, he decreed that polytheists could "celebrate the rites of an outmoded illusion," so long as they did not force Christians to join them.[50][52]
Constantine's main approach to religion was to use enticement by making the adoption of Christianity beneficial.[53] "Imperial patronage, legal rights to hold property, and financial assistance" were important contributions to successful Christianization over the next hundred years.[54] However, most scholars also agree it was Constantine who issued the first law against paganism's practice of animal sacrifice.[55][56][note 2] These laws menaced death, but during Constantine's reign, no one suffered the death penalty for violating them.[65][66] There is no record of anyone being executed for violating religious laws before Tiberius II Constantine at the end of the sixth century (574–582).[67] Still, classicist Scott Bradbury notes that the complete disappearance of public sacrifice by the mid-fourth century "in many towns and cities must be attributed to the atmosphere created by imperial and episcopal hostility".[68]
In Eusebius' church history, there is a bold claim of a Constantinian campaign against the temples, however, there are discrepancies in the evidence.[69] Temple destruction is attested to in 43 cases in the written sources, but only four have been confirmed by archaeological evidence.[70] Trombley and MacMullen explain that discrepancies between literary sources and archaeological evidence exist because it is common for details in the literary sources to be ambiguous and unclear.[71][72] For example, Malalas claimed Constantine destroyed all the temples, then he said Theodisius destroyed them all, then he said Constantine converted them all to churches.[73]: 246–282 [74][note 3]

Constantine did not destroy large numbers of temples, but he did destroy a few. In the previous 300 years, Roman authority had periodically confiscated various church properties, some of which were associated with Christian holy places. For example, Christian historians alleged that Hadrian (2nd century) had, in the military colony of Aelia Capitolina (Jerusalem), constructed a temple to Aphrodite on the site of the crucifixion of Jesus on Golgotha hill in order to suppress Jewish Christian veneration there.[84] Constantine was vigorous in reclaiming confiscated properties whenever these issues were brought to his attention, and he used reclamation to justify the destruction of Aphrodite's temple in Jerusalem.[85][86][87] Using the vocabulary of reclamation, Constantine acquired several more sites of Christian significance in the Holy Land. At the sacred oak and spring at Mamre, a site venerated and occupied by Jews, Christians and pagans alike, the literature says Constantine ordered the burning of the idols, the destruction of the altar, and erection of a church on the spot of the temple.[88] The archaeology of the site, however, shows that Constantine’s church, along with its attendant buildings, only occupied a peripheral sector of the precinct, leaving the rest unhindered.[89]
Calculated acts of desecration - removing the hands and feet of statues of the divine, mutilating heads and genitals, tearing down altars and "purging sacred precincts with fire" - were acts committed by the people during the early centuries. While seen as 'proving' the impotence of the gods, pagan icons were also seen as having been “polluted” by the practice of sacrifice and were, therefore, in need of "desacralization" or "deconsecration" (a practice not limited to Christians).[90] Brown says that, while it was in some ways studiously vindictive, it was not indiscriminate or extensive.[91][92] Once these objects were detached from 'the contagion' of sacrifice, they were seen as having returned to innocence. Many statues and temples were then preserved as art.[91]
Rewriting history
Late Antiquity from the third to the sixth centuries was the era of the development of the great Christian narrative, an interpretatio Christiana of the history of humankind. This meant reassessing and relocating past histories, ideas and persons on the historical mental map. In this construction of the past, Christian writers built on the models of the preceding tradition, creating competing chronologies and alternative histories.[93]: 12

In the early fourth century, Eusebius wrote Chronici canones in which he developed an elaborate synchronistic chronology wherein he reinterpreted the Greco-Roman past to reflect a Christian perspective.[93]: 11, 28 In the early fifth century Orosius wrote Historiae adversus paganos in response to the charge that the Roman Empire was in misery and ruins because it had converted to Christianity and neglected the old gods. Maijastina Kahlos explains that, "In order to refute these claims, Orosius reviewed the entire history of Rome, demonstrating that the alleged glorious past of the Romans in fact consisted of war, despair and suffering. Orosius’s Historiae adversus paganos is a counter-narrative... Instead of a magnificent Roman past, he construes a history in which ... Christ is born and Christianity appears to have appeared ... just when Roman power was at its height – all this according to a divine plan... Both writers took over and reinterpreted the Greco-Roman past to explain and legitimize their own present".[93]: 28
Despite the ongoing presence of a Christian majority, Christian literature of the fourth century does not focus on converting pagans.[95] Instead, it depicts Constantine's conversion as evidence of the Christian god's final triumph in Heaven over the pagan gods.[94] Historian Peter Brown indicates that, as a result of this "triumphalism," paganism was seen as vanquished.[96][97] Based on the sheer number of laws directed against it, Salzman says heresy, rather than paganism, was the greatest concern for most Christians of the fourth and fifth centuries including Constantine.[98][97] According to Brown, "It would be a full two centuries before Justinian would envisage the compulsory baptism of remaining polytheists, and a further century until Heraclius and the Visigothic kings of Spain would attempt to baptize the Jews. In the fourth century, such ambitious schemes were impossible".[95][note 4] There is no evidence to indicate that conversion through force was an accepted method of Christianization at any point in this era.[115]: 268–269
Historian John Curran writes that, under Constantine's successors, Christianization of Roman society proceeded by fits and starts.[116][note 5] Paganism in a broader sense did not end when public sacrifice did.[120][121] Historian Peter Brown explains that polytheists were accustomed to offering prayers to the gods in many ways and places that did not include sacrifice, that pollution was only associated with sacrifice, and that the ban on sacrifice had fixed boundaries and limits.[122] Paganism continued, co-existing with Christianity despite official threats, occasional mob violence,[note 6] and Constantine's confiscation of temple treasures for his new capitol. Paganism remained widespread into the early fifth century continuing in parts of the empire into the 600s.[125]
Theodosius
In the centuries following his death, Theodosius gained a reputation as the champion of orthodoxy and the vanquisher of paganism. Modern historians see this as a later interpretation of history by Christian writers rather than actual history.[126][127][128][note 7] Theodosius reiterated his Christian predecessors' support of Christianity and bans on animal sacrifice, divination, and apostasy. A number of laws against these practices were issued towards the end of his reign in 391 and 392, however recent historians have tended to downplay the role of the emperor's 'copious legislation' as limited in effect.[136][137][138][note 8] Most religious legislation was aimed at heretics rather than pagans. Contemporary scholarship indicates the Edict of Thessalonica (380) was about opposing Arianism, establishing unity in Christianity, and suppressing heresy.[145] As German ancient historian Karl Leo Noethlichs writes, the Edict of Thessalonica was neither anti-pagan nor antisemitic; it did not declare Christianity to be the official religion of the empire; and it gave no advantage to Christians over other faiths.[146][note 9] In his 2020 biography of Theodosius, Mark Hebblewhite concludes that Theodosius never saw himself, or advertised himself, as a destroyer of the old cults. The emperor's efforts at promoting Christianization were "targeted, tactical, and nuanced". They were intended to prevent political instability and religious discord and promote the peace.[128][155][156][note 10]
Barbarian conversions
While the Roman empire was being Christianized, Germanic, Asiatic and Celtic peoples were migrating into Roman territory.[166] The earliest references to the Christianization of the Germanic peoples are in Irenaeus, (who refers to the churches in what would become Germany as already being well-organized), in Origen, and in Tertullian (Adv. Jud. VII).[167] Eusebius and Athanasius omit Germany from their lists, but that is possibly because, by the 4th century, many from the Eastern Germanic tribes, notably the Goths, had adopted Arianism.[168] It is most probable that "bottom-up" conversion prevailed during this early period.[169]
In 341, Romanian born Ulfila (Wulfilas, 311-383) became a bishop and was sent to instruct the Gothic Christians living in Gothia in the province of Dacia. While pursuing this, Ulfila attracted a number of native followers who later became missionaries themselves.[170][171] While Ulfilas is traditionally credited with the voluntary conversion of the Goths between 369-372, contemporary scholars offer four different dates and a variety of methods of conversion, none of which have produced consensus.[172]
Noel Lenski writes that the emperor Valens offered encouragement rather than active sponsorship of Christianization beyond Roman borders.[173] Tacitus is an important early source describing the nature of German religion, and their understanding of the function of a king, as facilitating Christianization.[166] Conversion of the West and East Germanic tribes sometimes took place "top to bottom" in the sense that missionaries aimed at converting Germanic nobility first. A king had divine lineage as a descendent of Woden.[174] Ties of loyalty between German kings and their followers, and the concerns of these early societies as communal, not individual, sometimes produced mass conversions of entire tribes.[175] Afterwards, their societies would begin a gradual process of Christianization that would generally take a matter of centuries, with some traces of earlier beliefs remaining.[176]
Christianization of the central Balkans is documented at the end of the 4th century, where Nicetas the Bishop of Remesiana brought the gospel to "those mountain wolves", the Bessi.[177]
Christianization of Europe (5th–1 8th centuries)
Romanness, tolerance and intolerance
The nature of Roman culture contributed to its Christianization: religious syncretism, Roman political culture, a common language, and Hellenist philosophy made Christianization of the Roman empire easier than in places like Persia or China.[178] The relative ease of travel that was enabled by universal currency, a system of laws, relative internal security, and good roads aided the process of Christianization as well. Judaism was also significantly important to the spread of Christianity. Evidence clearly shows the Jewish Diaspora communities were where Christians gave many of their earliest sermons.[179]
The two religious traditions co-existed and largely tolerated each other throughout most of the fourth and fifth centuries.[180][181][122] Christianization had worked in both directions transforming the structure and ideals of both the Church and the Empire through this long period of symbiosis.[182] By the time a fifth-century pope attempted to denounce the Lupercalia as 'pagan superstition', religion scholar Elizabeth Clark says "it fell on deaf ears".[183] In Historian R. A. Markus's reading of events, this marked a colonization (the appropriation of something belonging to others for one's own use) by Christians of pagan values and practices.[184] For Alan Cameron, the mixed culture that included the continuation of the circuses, amphitheaters and games – sans sacrifice – on into the sixth century involved the secularization of paganism rather than appropriation by Christianity.[185][note 11]
Up to the time of Justin I and Justinian I (527 to 565), there was some toleration for all religions; there were anti-sacrifice laws, but they were not enforced. Thus, up into the sixth century, there still existed centers of paganism in Athens, Gaza, Alexandria, and elsewhere.[120][note 12] Brown points out that, even though the imperial laws against sacrifice were not enforced, they did have a cumulative effect: by 425, they had set in place a religious ordering of society with Catholics at the center and others at the periphery.[206] That ordering would thereafter prove to be an inseparable adjunct of imperial rule, in the empire itself and, later, in the sub-imperial states of the west.[206]
It is possible to follow in the laws the emergence of a language of intolerance shared by the Christian court and by vocal elements in provincial society.[206] Christian writers and imperial legislators alike drew on a rhetoric of incessant conquest and reconquest that affected every facet of upper-class society.[95] These Christian sources with their violent rhetoric, have had great influence on modern perceptions of this period.[207] However, outside of violent rhetoric, non-Christian (non-heretical) groups of pagans and Jews lived peacefully alongside their Christian neighbors through a tolerance based on contempt throughout most of Late Antiquity.[208][209]
Paradigm shift: Justinian I and the Byzantine papacy

Christianization changed between the fifth and eighth centuries. The weight of wealth after the fifth century turned Christianity in a new direction.[210][note 13] This period shifted away from the "massive" Greek and Roman secularism common to John Chrysostom's and Augustine's fourth century world. By the time of Pope Gregory I (540 – 604), "there was little room for the secular" in it.[213]
The era that begins with Justinian I is a threshold of beginnings and endings.[214]: 198 In these centuries, Ancient Christianity, (as it had existed in the Western empire with some religious competition, toleration and secularism), comes to an end.[215][213] Most scholars agree the 7th and 8th centuries are when the 'end of the ancient world' is most conclusive and well documented.[216]: 85 The middle Byzantine period develops.[214] Eleven of the thirteen men who held the position of Roman Pope from the late seventh to the middle of the eighth century were the sons of families from the East.[217] This Byzantine papacy, along with losses to Islam, and changes within Christianity itself, transformed Christianity into its medieval form as exemplified by the creation of the Papal state and the alliance between the papacy and the militant Frankish king Charlemagne.[218][219][220][note 14]
Ireland
Pope Celestine I (422-430) sent Palladius to be the first bishop to the Irish in 431, and in 432, St Patrick began his mission there.[242] Scholars cite many questions (and scarce sources) concerning the next two hundred years.[243]: 96 Relying largely on recent archaeological developments, Lorcan Harney has reported to the Royal Academy that the missionaries and traders who came to Ireland in the fifth to sixth centuries were not backed by any military force.[242] Conversion and consolidation were long complex processes that took centuries.[242] Patrick and Palladius and other British and Gaulish missionaries aimed first at converting royal households. Patrick indicates in his Confessio that safety depended upon it.[244] Communities often followed their king en masse.[244] It is likely most natives were willing to embrace the new religion, and that most religious communities were willing to integrate themselves into the surrounding culture.[245]
Christianization of the Irish landscape was a complex process that varied considerably depending on local conditions.[246] Ancient sites were viewed with veneration, and were excluded or included for Christian use based largely on diverse local feeling about their nature, character, ethos and even location.[247]
The Irish monks developed a concept of peregrinatio where a monk would leave the monastery to preach among the 'heathens'. From 590, Irish missionaries were active in Gaul, Scotland, Wales and Britain.[248]
Great Britain
The most likely date for Christianity getting its first foothold in Britain is sometime around 200.[249] Recent archaeology indicates that, it had become an established minority faith by the fourth century. It was largely mainstream (there is no such thing as 'Celtic Christianity'), and in certain areas, had been continuous.[250]
The conversion of the Anglo-Saxons was begun at about the same time in both the north and south of the Anglo-Saxon kingdoms in two unconnected initiatives. Irish missionaries led by Saint Columba, based in Iona (from 563), converted many Picts.[251]: 30–33 The court of Anglo-Saxon Northumbria, and the Gregorian mission, who landed in 596, did the same to the Kingdom of Kent. They had been sent by Pope Gregory I and were led by Augustine of Canterbury with a mission team from Italy. In both cases, as in other kingdoms of this period, conversion generally began with the royal family and the nobility adopting the new religion first.[252]: 20–22
In early Anglo-Saxon England, non-stop religious development meant paganism and Christianity were never completely separate.[252]: 34 Lorcan Harney has reported that Anglo-Saxon churches were not built by pagan barrows before 11th century.[253]
Frankish Empire
The Franks first appear in the historical record in the 3rd century as a confederation of Germanic tribes living on the east bank of the lower Rhine River. Clovis I was the first king of the Franks to unite all of the Frankish tribes under one ruler.[254] According to legend, Clovis had prayed to the Christian god before his battle against one of the kings of the Alemanni, and had consequently attributed his victory to Jesus.[255] The most likely date of his conversion to Catholicism is Christmas Day, 508, following that Battle of Tolbiac.[256][257] He was baptized in Rheims.[258] The Frankish Kingdom became Christian over the next two centuries.[259]: 113 [260][note 15]
The conversion of the Saxons began with their forced incorporation into the Frankish kingdom in 776 by Charlemagne (r. 768-814). Thereafter, the Saxon's Christian conversion slowly progressed into the eleventh century resulting in a unique form of Christianity known as Germanic Christianity.[259] Saxons had been raiding Frankish holdings from the time of Clovis, and went back and forth between rebellion and submission to the Frankish king for decades.[263] Charlemagne placed missionaries and counts across Saxony in hopes of pacifying the region, but Saxons rebelled again in 782 with disastrous losses for the Franks. In response, the Frankish King "enacted a variety of draconian measures" beginning with the massacre at Verden in 782 when he ordered the decapitation of 4500 Saxon prisoners offering them baptism as an alternative to death.[264] These events were followed by the severe legislation of the Capitulatio de partibus Saxoniae in 785 which prescribes death to those that are disloyal to the king, harm Christian churches or its ministers, or practice pagan burial rites.[265] His harsh methods of Christianization raised objections from his friends Alcuin and Paulinus of Aquileia.[266] Charlemagne abolished the death penalty for paganism in 797.[267]

Italy
The Church of Rome was founded by Peter and Paul in the 1st century.[268]
In 303, the most severe persecution of Christians took place under Emperor Diocletian but in 313, with the Edict of Milan, Constantine I and Licinius establish toleration of all religions including Christianity. In 380, Theodosius I makes Christianity the official state religion of the Roman Empire and, between 389 and 391, the "Theodosian decrees" banned pagan sacrifices and closed pagan temples. Roman aristocrats have virtually all converted to Christianity in the mid-5th century.
Rural areas were particularly slow to convert to Christianity. When Benedict of Nursia went to Monte Cassino around 530, he found a temple to Apollo with its statue and altar on which people still placed their offerings.[269] By the 590s, Pope Gregory I complains about pagan rituals among landowners and peasants on Church lands in Sicily and Sardinia.[270] The life of St Barbatus, bishop of Benevento in the 670s, describes the Lombards of Benevento worshipping a simulacrum of a viper and swearing oaths as they galloped past a hide hung on a tree.[271] When St. Barbatus converted the Beneventine Lombards to Christianity, he caused the tree to be cut down but some centuries afterwards, in 1526, Judge Paolo Grillandi wrote of witches in Benevento who worship a goddess at the site of an old walnut tree.[272] The laws issued for the Lombards by King Liutprand in 727 condemned, along with divination, the practice of 'sorcery' and incantation, any Lombard "who like a rustic prays to a tree as sacred or adores springs".[273]
By the mid-8th century, Italy can be said to be a Christian country.
Greece
Christianity began to spread in the cities of Greece by the preaching of St. Paul.
In 380, the Roman emperor Theodosius I declared Christianity the empire's only official state religion, and over the next few years he harshly persecuted pagans.
In 529, the Byzantine emperor Justinian closed down the Pagan schools in Athens.
The majority of modern historians agree that Greek polytheism continued for an extended period, even after repressive legislation against it[274][275]
Czech lands
Great Moravia and its successor state Duchy of Bohemia were founded by West Slavs in Central Europe in 9th century. The territory of Great Moravia was originally evangelized by missionaries coming from the Frankish Empire or Byzantine enclaves in Italy and Dalmatia since the early 8th century and sporadically earlier.[276][277] The first Christian church of the Western and Eastern Slavs known to the written sources was built in 828 by Pribina, the ruler and Prince of the Principality of Nitra, although probably still a pagan himself, in his possession called Nitrava (today Nitra, Slovakia).[278][279] The first Moravian ruler known by name, Mojmír I, was baptized in 831 by Reginhar, Bishop of Passau.[280] Despite the formal endorsement by the elites, the Great Moravian Christianity was described as containing many pagan elements as late as in 852.[281]
The Church organization in Great Moravia was supervised by the Bavarian clergy until the arrival of the Byzantine missionaries Saints Cyril and Methodius in 863, upon Prince Rastislav's request.[282] Cyril developed the first Slavic alphabet and translated the Gospel into the Old Church Slavonic language.[282] Foundation of the first Slavic bishopric (870), archbishopric (880), and monastery was the politically relevant outcome of the Byzantine mission.[citation needed] In 880, Pope John VIII issued the bull Industriae Tuae, by which he set up an independent ecclesiastical province in Great Moravia with Archbishop Methodius as its head.[citation needed] He also named the German cleric Wiching the Bishop of Nitra, and Old Church Slavonic was recognized as the fourth liturgical language, along with Latin, Greek and Hebrew.[citation needed]
Bulgaria

After its establishment under Khan Asparukh in 681, Bulgaria retained the traditional Bulgar religion Tengriism and the pagan beliefs of the local Slavic population. In the mid-9th century, Boris I decided to establish Christianity as a state religion in Bulgaria. In 864, he was baptized in the capital Pliska by Byzantine priests. After prolonged negotiations with both Rome and Constantinople, he managed to create an autocephalous Bulgarian Orthodox Church and used the newly created Cyrillic script to make the Bulgarian language the language of the Church.
Christianity was challenged during the rule of his first-born son, Vladimir-Rasate (889–893), who decided to return to the old Bulgarian religion. Boris I, who had previously retired to a monastery, led a rebellion against his son and defeated him. At the counsel of Preslav in 893, his third son, Simeon I who was born after the Christianization, was installed on the throne and the capital was moved from Pliska to Preslav as a symbol of the abolition of the old religion. Simeon I led a series of wars against the Byzantines to gain official recognition of his Imperial title and the full independence of the Bulgarian Church. As a result of his victories in 927, the Byzantines finally recognized the Bulgarian Patriarchate.
Serbia


The Serbs were baptised during the reign of Heraclius (610–641) by "elders of Rome" according to Constantine Porphyrogenitus in his annals (r. 913–959).[283]
In 733, Leo III attaches Illyricum to Patriarch Anastasius of Constantinople.[284]
The establishment of Christianity as state religion dates to the time of Eastern Orthodox missionaries Saints Cyril and Methodius during Basil I (r. 867–886), who baptised the Serbs sometime before sending imperial admiral Nikita Orifas to Knez Mutimir for aid in the war against the Saracens in 869, after acknowledging the suzerainty of the Byzantine Empire. The fleets and land forces of Zahumlje, Travunia and Konavli (Serbian Pomorje) were sent to fight the Saracens who attacked the town of Ragusa (Dubrovnik) in 869, on the immediate request of Basil I, who was asked by the Ragusians for help.[285] A Serbian bishopric (Diocese of Ras) may have been founded in Stari Ras in 871 by Serbian Knez Mutimir, confirmed by the Council of Constantinople in 879–80.[286]
The adherence is evident in the tradition of theophoric names in the next generation of Serbian monarchs and nobles; Petar Gojniković, Stefan Mutimirović, Pavle Branović. Mutimir maintained the communion with the Eastern Church (Constantinople) when Pope John VIII invited him to recognize the jurisdiction of the bishopric of Sirmium. The Serbs adopt the Old Slavonic liturgy instead of the Greek.[283][287]
By the 870s, the Serbs were baptized and had established the Eparchy of Ras, on the order of Emperor Basil I.
Croatia
According to Constantine VII, christianization of Croats began in the 7th century.[288] Viseslav (r. 785–802), one of the first dukes of Croatia, left behind a special baptismal font, which symbolizes the acceptance of the church, and thereby Western culture, by the Croats. The conversion of Croatia is said to have been completed by the time of Duke Trpimir's death in 864. In 879, under duke Branimir, Croatia received papal recognition as a state from Pope John VIII.[289]
The Narentine pirates, based on the Croatian coast, remained pagans until the late ninth century.[290]
Poland

The "Baptism of Poland" (Template:Lang-pl) in 966, refers to the baptism of Mieszko I, the first ruler of a future united Polish state. His baptism was followed by the building of churches and the establishment of an ecclesiastical hierarchy. Mieszko saw baptism as a way of strengthening his hold on power, with the active support he could expect from the bishops, as well as a unifying force for the Polish people. Mieszko's action proved highly successful because by the 13th century, Roman Catholicism had become the dominant religion in Poland.
Hungary

In the Middle Ages, the Kingdom of Hungary (which was larger than modern day Hungary) was Christianized initially by Greek monks sent from Constantinople to convert the pagan Hungarians. In 950, the tribal chief, Gyula II of Transylvania, visited Constantinople and was baptized. Gyula also had his officers and family baptized under the Orthodox confession.[291] The conversion of the Hungarian people was not completed until the reign of Gyula's grandson, King Stephen I of Hungary. Stephen was the son of Grand Prince Géza of Hungary and Sarolt, the daughter of Gyula II. His authority as leader of the Hungarian tribal federation was recognized with a crown from Pope Sylvester II. King Stephen converted the nomadic barbarian tribes of the Hungarians and induced them to sedentary culture. The conversion of Hungary is said to have been completed by the time of Stephen's death in 1038.
Soon the Hungarian Kingdom counted with two archbishops and 8 bishops, a defined state structure with province governors that answered to the King. In the other hand, Saint Stephen opened the frontiers of his Kingdom in 1016 to the pilgrims that traveled by land to the Holy Land, and soon this route became extremely popular, being used later in the Crusades. Saint Stephen was the first Hungarian monarch that was elevated to the sanctity for his Christian characteristics and not because he suffered a martyr death.[292]
Kievan Rus'

Between the 8th and the 13th century, the area of what now is Ukraine, Belarus and a part of European Russia was settled by the Kievan Rus'. An attempt to Christianize them had already been made in the 9th century, with the Christianization of the Rus' Khaganate. In the 10th century, around 980, the efforts were finally successful when Vladimir the Great was baptized at Chersonesos. To commemorate the event, Vladimir built the first stone church of Kievan Rus', called the Church of the Tithes, where his body and the body of his new wife were to repose. Another church was built on top of the hill where pagan statues stood before.
Scandinavia

The Christianization of Scandinavia started in the 8th century with the arrival of missionaries in Denmark and it was at least nominally complete by the 12th century, although the Samis remained unconverted until the 18th century. In fact, although the Scandinavians became nominally Christian, it would take considerably longer for actual Christian beliefs to establish themselves among the people.[293] The old indigenous traditions that had provided security and structure since time immemorial were challenged by ideas that were unfamiliar, such as original sin, the Immaculate Conception, the Trinity and so forth.[293] Archaeological excavations of burial sites on the island of Lovön near modern-day Stockholm have shown that the actual Christianization of the people was very slow and took at least 150–200 years,[294] and this was a very central location in the Swedish kingdom. Thirteenth-century runic inscriptions from the bustling merchant town of Bergen in Norway show little Christian influence, and one of them appeals to a Valkyrie.[295] At this time, enough knowledge of Norse mythology remained to be preserved in sources such as the Eddas in Iceland.
Baltic
The Northern Crusades[296] (or "Baltic Crusades")[297] were crusades undertaken by the Catholic kings of Denmark and Sweden, the German Livonian and Teutonic military orders, and their allies against the pagan peoples of Northern Europe around the southern and eastern shores of the Baltic Sea. Swedish and German campaigns against Russian Eastern Orthodox Christians are also sometimes considered part of the Northern Crusades.[296][298] Some of these wars were called crusades during the Middle Ages, but others, including most of the Swedish ones, were first dubbed crusades by 19th-century romantic nationalist historians. Lithuania and Samogitia were ultimately Christianized from 1386 until 1417 by the initiative of the Grand Duke of Lithuania Jogaila and his cousin Vytautas.
Iberian Peninsula and Reconquista


Christianity began in Spain when St. Paul went to Hispania to preach the gospel.
By the late 6th century, certainly during the reign of Reccared I, the Visigothic Kingdom in Spain can be said to be a Christian country, although paganism persisted among segments of the population for some decades afterwards.[299]
Despite early Christian testimonies and institutional organization, Basque Christianization was slow. Muslim accounts from the period of the Umayyad conquest of Hispania and beginning of 9th century identify the Basques as magi or 'pagan wizards', they were not considered 'People of the Book' (Christians).[300]
Between 711–718 the Iberian peninsula had been conquered by Muslims in the Umayyad conquest of Hispania. Between 722 (see: Battle of Covadonga) and 1492 (see: the Conquest of Granada) the Christian Kingdoms that later would become Spain and Portugal reconquered it from the Moorish states of Al-Ándalus. The notorious Spanish Inquisition and Portuguese Inquisition were not installed until 1478 and 1536 when the Reconquista was already (mostly) completed.
Romania
![]() | This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (October 2021) |
Albania
![]() | This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (October 2021) |
Colonial era (16th–19th centuries)


Colonies in the Americas, Africa, Asia and Pacific
The expansion of the Catholic Portuguese Empire and Spanish Empire with a significant role played by Catholic missionaries led to the Christianization of the indigenous populations of the Americas such as the Aztecs and Incas. A large number of churches were built.[301][302]
Later waves of colonial expansion such as the Scramble for Africa or the struggle for India, by the Netherlands, Britain, France, Germany and Russia led to Christianization of other native populations across the globe such as the Indigenous peoples of the Americas, Filipinos, Indians and Africans led to the expansion of Christianity eclipsing that of the Roman period and making it a truly global religion.[303]
United States
The colonies which later became the United States were largely colonized by England, and therefore their colonists were predominantly Protestant. Even colonists with non-English backgrounds—Scots, Scotch Irish, Germans, Dutch, French, and Swedes—were mostly from Protestant countries in Northern Europe. Thus Protestantism as a religious force shaped the mind of pre-independence colonial America.
By the 1790 Census, the total immigration over the approximately 130-year span of colonial existence of the U.S. colonies was summarized as: 3.9 million total, comprising 2.56 million British, 0.76 million African, and 0.58 million "other" who probably included a large proportion of people with poorly recorded English ancestry.[304] It was not until the nineteenth century that Roman Catholics became a numerically significant segment of American life, mainly due to large-scale immigration from Ireland (driven by the Great Famine from 1845 onward[305]) and countries in Southern Europe (partly due to farming improvements which created surplus labor[citation needed]), and absorption of territories originally colonized or influenced by Catholic countries such as Spain.[citation needed]
![]() | This section needs expansion. You can help by adding to it. (September 2011) |
20th century
United States
In 1908 Pope Pius X declared that the United States was no longer a missionary territory for Roman Catholicism. By this time the Roman Catholic church was well established enough to stake a place for itself in the U.S. religious landscape. It was about 15 million strong by 1901. Thus, the church adopted a mission to Christianize other cultures. On November 16, 1908, a missionary conference was held in Chicago to mark the transition from becoming a church that received missionary help to a church that sends it. Attendees included Boston's Archbishop William H. O'Connell and Chicago's Archbishop James Edward Quigley, who called attention to the "new era" into which the church in the U.S. now entered.
Sacred sites

Many Christian churches were built upon sites already consecrated as pagan temples or mithraea, the church of Santa Maria sopra Minerva (literally Saint Mary above Minerva) in Rome being simply the most obvious example, though a period of about 350 years of abandonment intervened between temple and church in this case. Sulpicius Severus, in his Vita of Martin of Tours, a dedicated destroyer of temples and sacred trees, remarks "wherever he destroyed heathen temples, there he used immediately to build either churches or monasteries",[306] and when Benedict took possession of the site at Monte Cassino, he began by smashing the sculpture of Apollo and the altar that crowned the height.
The British Isles and other areas of northern Europe that were formerly druidic are still densely punctuated by holy wells and holy springs that are now attributed to some saint, often a highly local saint unknown elsewhere; in earlier times many of these were seen as guarded by supernatural forces such as the melusina, and many such pre-Christian holy wells appear to survive as baptistries. Not all pre-Christian holy places were respected enough for them to survive, however, as most ancient European sacred groves, such as the pillar Irminsul, were destroyed by Christianizing forces.
During the Reconquista and the Crusades, the cross served the symbolic function of possession that a flag would occupy today. At the siege of Lisbon in 1147, when a mixed group of Christians took the city, "What great joy and what a great abundance there was of pious tears when, to the praise and honor of God and of the most Holy Virgin Mary the saving cross was placed atop the highest tower to be seen by all as a symbol of the city's subjection."[307]
Myths and imagery
The historicity of several saints has often been treated sceptically by most academics, either because there is a paucity of historical evidence for them, or due to striking resemblances that they have to pre-Christian deities. In 1969 the Roman Catholic Church removed some Christian Saints from its universal calendar and pronounced the historicity of others to be dubious.[citation needed] Though highly popular in the Middle Ages, many of these saints have since been largely forgotten, and their names may now seem quite unfamiliar. The most prominent amongst these is Saint Eustace, who was extremely popular in earlier times, but whom Laura Hibberd sees as a chimera composed from details of several other Saints. Many of these figures of dubious historicity appear to be based on figures from pre-Christian myth and legend, Saint Sarah, for example, also known as Sarah-la-Kali, is thought by Ronald Lee to be a Christianization of Kali, a Hindu deity.
Symbolism

The cross is currently the most common symbol of Christianity, and has been for many centuries, coming to prominence during the 4th century (301 to 400 AD) And its known to be the most familiar and widely recognized symbol of Christianity today.[308]
Ancient pagan funeral rituals often remained within Christian culture as aspects of custom and community with very little alteration.[309] Pagans and Jews decorated their burial chambers, so Christians did as well, thereby creating the first Christian art in the catacombs beneath Rome.[310] This art is symbolic, rising out of a reinterpretation of Jewish and pagan symbolism.[311]

While many new subjects appear for the first time in the Christian catacombs - i.e. the Good Shepherd, Baptism, and the Eucharistic meal - the Orant figures (women praying with upraised hands) probably came directly from pagan art.[312][313]
The Ichthys, Christian Fish, also known colloquially as the Jesus Fish, was an early Christian secret symbol. Early Christians used the Ichthys symbol to identify themselves as followers of Jesus Christ and to proclaim their commitment to Christianity. Ichthys is the Ancient Greek word for "fish," which explains why the sign resembles a fish;[314] the Greek word ιχθυς is an acronym for the phrase transliterated as "Iesous Christos Theou Yios Soter", that is, "Jesus Christ, God's Son, the Savior". There are several other connections with Christian tradition relating to this choice of symbol: that it was a reference to the feeding of the multitude; that it referred to some of the apostles having previously been fishermen; or that the word Christ was pronounced by Jews in a similar way to the Hebrew word for fish (though Nuna is the normal Aramaic word for fish, making this seem unlikely).
Notes
- ^ There have, historically, been many different scholarly views on Constantine's religious policies.[39] For example Jacob Burckhardt has characterized Constantine as being "essentially unreligious" and as using the Church solely to support his power and ambition. Drake asserts that "critical reaction against Burckhardt's anachronistic reading has been decisive."[40] According to Burckhardt, being Christian automatically meant being intolerant, while Drake says that assumes a uniformity of belief within Christianity that does not exist in the historical record.[41]
- Brown calls Constantine's conversion a "very Roman conversion."[42] "He had risen to power in a series of deathly civil wars, destroyed the system of divided empire, believed the Christian God had brought him victory, and therefore regarded that god as the proper recipient of religio".[42] Brown says Constantine was over 40, had most likely been a traditional polytheist, and was a savvy and ruthless politician when he declared himself a Christian.[43]
- ^ There is a long history of scholarly disagreement over whether or not Constantine, as the first Christian emperor, outlawed public sacrifice.
- After the defeat of Licinius in A.D. 324, Constantine was in control of the whole Empire. According to Eusebius, it was then that Constantine issued a law which forbade sacrifice. This law is no longer in existence; it is only known second hand through Eusebius. However, it does seem likely that Constantine did pass such a law but that "it was a local law, applicable only in parts of the Eastern Empire; Eusebius supports this view, for he records Constantine's actions against pagan shrines only in the Eastern and never in the Western Empire." Indeed, it is the limited and local intent of this law which, according to Barnes, explains its loss and why Eusebius does not cite it verbatim. Moreover, Constantine never legislated against sacrifice in the West, which is why Firmicus Maternus, some ten years later, urges Constantine's sons to do precisely that.[57]: 178
- T. D. Barnes and others maintain that Constantine did ban sacrifice throughout the empire, concluding that "paganism was now a discredited cause. A change so sudden, so fundamental, so total, shocked pagans...".[58] Except there is no evidence of such a shock; the extant record is characterized by a complete absence of reaction. As a result, others such as H. A. Drake and R. Malcolm Errington have challenged the existence and substance of such a law.[58]
- Errington concentrates on Constantine's letter to the eastern provinces, noting that it explicitly states both Christianity and paganism were allowed.[58] Classical language professor Scott Bradbury has written that Constantine did ban sacrifice because his sons later referenced him as having done so, but other possible explanations for that reference have been offered, and that explanation raises the problem that emperors Constans (337-50) and Constantius II (337-61) at first only outlawed public and nocturnal sacrifice.[59]
- Brown notes that the language of the anti-sacrifice laws "was uniformly vehement", and the "penalties they proposed were frequently horrifying", evidencing the intent of "terrorizing" the populace into accepting this change.[60] Bradbury acknowledges that there is no record of anyone in Constantine's era being prosecuted for sacrificing, nor is there evidence of any of the horrific punishments ever being enacted.[61] Bradbury concludes that Constantine must have written the laws but did so without ever expecting them to be enforced.[62]
- A number of scholars have assumed toleration was incompatible with Christianity, yet others have allowed that forbearance toward polytheism would not have been impossible for the first Christian emperor. A few authors suggest that "true Christian sentiment" might even have motivated Constantine, since he held the conviction that, in the realm of faith, only freedom mattered.[62]
- Marie Roux asserts that it has been established by Roman historian Lucio De Giovanni that, under Constantine, "only the practice of divinatory sacrifices performed in a private context (sacrificia domestica) or during the night were prohibited. Those practices were seen as having slipped out from under public control, whereas traditional haruspicina, (the consultation and interpretation of the entrails of the sacrificed victims by official priests in a public context), remained authorized.[63] This kind of legislation was already in place in Tiberius' reign indicating that Constantine’s policy did not differ from that of previous emperors.[63]
- The Imperial laws provide important evidence of Imperial intent to promote Christianity, eliminate the practice of sacrifice and control magic, though Christian emperors often tolerated other pagan practices.[64] Brown notes that the language of the anti-sacrifice laws "was uniformly vehement", and the "penalties they proposed were frequently horrifying", evidencing the intent of "terrorizing" the populace into accepting the changes.[60]
- ^ A number of elements coincided to end the temples, but none of them were strictly religious.[75] Earthquakes caused much of the destruction of this era.[76] Civil conflict and external invasions also destroyed many temples and shrines.[77] Economics was also a factor.[75][78][79] The Roman economy of the third and fourth centuries struggled, and traditional polytheism was expensive and dependent upon donations from the state and private elites.[80] Roger S. Bagnall reports that imperial financial support declined markedly after Augustus.[81] Lower budgets meant the physical decline of urban structures of all types. This progressive decay was accompanied by an increased trade in salvaged building materials, as the practice of recycling became common in Late Antiquity.[82] Economic struggles meant that necessity drove much of the destruction and conversion of pagan religious monuments.[75][78][79] In many instances, such as in Tripolitania, this happened before Constantine the Great became emperor.[83]
- ^ * In his 1984 book, Christianizing the Roman Empire: (A.D. 100–400), and again in 1997, Ramsay MacMullen argues that widespread Christian anti–pagan violence, as well as persecution from a "bloodthirsty" and violent Constantine (and his successors), caused the Christianization of the Roman Empire in the fourth century.[99][100]
- Award winning historian Michelle Renee Salzman describes MacMullen's book as "controversial".[100]
- In a review, T. D. Barnes has written that MacMullen's book treats "non-Christian evidence as better and more reliable than Christian evidence", generalizes from pagan polemics as if they were unchallenged fact, misses important facts entirely, and shows an important selectivity in his choices of what ancient and modern works he discusses.[101]
- David Bentley Hart also gives a detailed discussion of MacMullen's "careless misuse of textual evidence".[102]
- Schwarz says MacMullen is an example of a modern minimalist.[103] Schwarz suggests that minimalism is beginning to show signs of decline because it tends to understate the significance of some human actions, and so makes assumptions that are hard to support.[104] As a result, "MacMullen's account of Christianization as basically an aggregation of accidents and contingencies" is not broadly supported.[105]
- In Gaul, some of the most influential textual sources on pagan-Christian violence concerns Martin, Bishop of Tours (c. 371–397), the Pannonian ex-soldier who is "solely credited in the historical record as the militant converter of Gaul".[106]
- These texts have been criticized for lacking historical veracity, even by ancient critics, but they are still useful for illuminating views of violence held in late fourth century Gaul.[107]
- The portion of the sources devoted to attacks on pagans is limited, and they all revolve around Martin using his miraculous powers to overturn pagan shrines and idols, but not to ever threaten or harm people.[108]
- Salzman concludes that "None of Martin's interventions led to the deaths of any Gauls, pagan or Christian.
- Even if one doubts the exact veracity of these incidents, the assertion that Martin preferred non-violent conversion techniques says much about the norms for conversion in Gaul" at the time Martin's biography was written.[109]
- Archaeologist David Riggs writes that evidence from North Africa reveals a tolerance of religious pluralism and a vitality of traditional paganism much more than it shows any form of religious violence or coercion: "persuasion, such as the propagation of Christian apologetics, appears to have played a more critical role in the eventual "triumph of Christianity" than was previously assumed".[110][111]
- Archaeologists Luke Lavan and Michael Mulryan of the Centre for Late Antique Archaeology indicate that archaeology does not show evidence of widespread conflict.[112]
- In the twenty first century, the conflict model of Christianization has become marginalized.[113] According to Raymond Van Dam, "an approach which emphasizes conflict flounders as a means for explaining both the initial attractions of a new cult like Christianity, as well as, more importantly, its persistence".[114]
- ^ Constantine's sons banned pagan state religious sacrifices in 341.[117] The content and intent of this law is much debated.[118]: 179 In English, it says "Superstition shall cease; the madness of sacrifices shall be abolished. For if any man in violation of the law of the sainted Emperor, Our father, and in violation of this command of Our Clemency, should dare to perform sacrifices, he shall suffer the infliction of a suitable punishment and the effect of an immediate sentence." Interpretation depends entirely on what was meant by the term superstitio.[118]: 180 In fact, independent testimony from the period 340-363 indicates that paganism and sacrifice continued in Rome despite the law.[118]: 181 Constantius II created a series of anti-pagan laws in 353 and 354, and had the altar of victory removed, but while this stirred up fear and resentment, it did not end paganism.[119]
- ^ Mob violence was an occasional problem in all the independent cities of the empire as there were no modern style police forces. Taxes, food and politics were common reasons for rioting. Religion was also a factor though it is difficult to separate from politics since they were intertwined in all aspects of life.[123]
- In 361, the murder of the Arian bishop George of Cappadocia was committed by a mob of pagans, although there is evidence he had cruelly provoked them.
- The conflict over the Serapeum involved both a Christian and a pagan mob.
- The Jews and the Christians each gathered to fight in 415, although the sources indicate it was the upper levels of the Jewish community who decided to massacre the Christians after Cyril made serious threats to their leadership.[124]: 7, 11, 15–16
- A Christian mob threw objects at Orestes and, finally, Hypatia was killed by a Christian mob though politics and personal jealousy were probably the primary causes.[124]: 19–21
- Mobs were commonly composed of lower-class urban dwellers, often included upper class educated pagans, Jews and Christians, and in Alexandria, monks from the monastery of Nitria.[124]: 18, 22
- ^ Cameron explains that, since Theodosius's predecessors Constantine, Constantius, and Valens had all been semi-Arians, it fell to the orthodox Theodosius to receive from Christian literary tradition most of the credit for the final triumph of Christianity.[129] Numerous literary sources, both Christian and pagan, attributed to Theodosius – probably mistakenly, possibly intentionally – initiatives such as the withdrawal of state funding to pagan cults (this measure belongs to Gratian) and the demolition of temples (for which there is no primary evidence).[130]
- Theodosius has long been associated with the ending of the Vestal virgins, but twenty-first century scholarship asserts the Virgins continued until 415 and suffered no more under Theodosius than they had since Gratian restricted their finances.[131]: 260
- Theodosius turned pagan holidays into workdays, but the festivals associated with them continued.[132]
- Theodosius probably did not discontinue the ancient Olympic Games.[133][134] Sofie Remijsen says there are several reasons to conclude the Olympic games continued after Theodosius I, and that they came to an end under Theodosius II, by accident, instead. One newly discovered reason has been found in two extant scholia on Lucian that connect the end of the games with a fire that burned down the temple of the Olympian Zeus during Theodosius II's reign.[135]: 49
- ^ Sozomen, the Constantinopolitan lawyer, wrote a history of the church around 443 where he references the law of 8 November 392. This law has been described by some as a universal ban on paganism that made Christianity – in effect – the official religion of the empire.[139][140] However, it was only promulgated in the East.[141] The law describes and bans practices of private domestic sacrifice, such as the lares fire, which were thought to have "slipped out from under public control".[142][63][143] Sozomen evaluates the law of 392 as having had only minor significance at the time it was issued.[144]
- ^
- In English, the Edict of Thessalonica (380) says "the [Nicene] religion that is followed by the Pontiff Damasus and by Peter, Bishop of Alexandria" shall be practiced by all "who are ruled by the administration of Our Clemency" and that those who "sustain the infamy of heretical dogmas" will receive both divine and earthly vengence.[147][148]
- The Edict was addressed directly to the people of the city of Constantinople and was valid throughout the Eastern empire – but only the Eastern Empire. Theodosius did not become emperor of both East and West until 392.[149][150]
- It is clear from mandates issued in the years after 380 that this edict was not intended as a requirement for pagans or Jews to convert to Christianity.[145] Hungarian legal scholar Pál Sáry explains that, "In 393, the emperor was gravely disturbed that the Jewish assemblies had been forbidden in certain places. For this reason, he stated with emphasis that the sect of the Jews was forbidden by no law. It is also important to note that during the reign of Theodosius pagans were continuously appointed to prominent positions and pagan aristocrats remained in high offices."[145]
- The Edict applied only to Christians, since Christians alone could be heretics, and within that group, it was directed only to Arians.[151] It declared those Christians who refused the Nicene faith to be infames, and prohibited them from using Christian churches. Sáry uses this exemplar: "After his arrival in Constantinople, Theodosius offered to confirm the Arian bishop Demophilus in his see, if he would accept the Nicene Creed. After Demophilus refused the offer, the emperor immediately directed him to surrender all his churches to the Catholics."[152] Alan Cameron explains that Theodosius' anti-pagan legislation has been assumed to differ from previous legislation by going further and being effective and enforced, but this has never been documented.[153] Cameron concludes there is no solid evidence for the existence of a ban on pagan worship before November 392 which was only applicable in the East.[154]
- ^ During his first official tour of Italy (389–391), the emperor won over the influential pagan lobby in the Roman Senate by appointing its foremost members to important administrative posts.[157] Theodosius also nominated the last pair of pagan consuls in Roman history (Tatianus and Symmachus) in 391.[158] Theodosius allowed other pagan practices to be performed publicly and temples to remain open.[159][160][138] He also voiced his support for the preservation of temple buildings, but nonetheless failed to prevent the damaging of several holy sites in the eastern provinces.[138][161][162] Following the death in 388 of Cynegius, the praetorian prefect thought to be responsible for that vandalization, Theodosius replaced him with a moderate pagan who subsequently moved to protect the temples.[73]: 53 [128][163] There is no evidence of any desire on the part of the emperor to institute a systematic destruction of temples anywhere in the Theodosian Code, and no evidence in the archaeological record that extensive temple destruction took place.[164][165]: 63 [71]
- ^
- After the mid-fifth century, pagan temples began, on occasion, being converted into Christian churches.[186][187] Scholarship has been divided over whether this represents Christianization as a general effort to demolish the pagan past, was instead simple pragmatism, an attempt to preserve the past's art and architecture, or some combination.[188] Feyo Schuddeboom addresses this by using the city of Rome as a microcosm of temple conversion in the empire.[189]
- Although it is a small percentage of the four hundred and twenty-four temples known to have existed in Rome, Rome witnessed eleven temple conversions from the seventh to the twelfth century, which is more than any other single location in the empire.[190]
- Schuddeboom lists these as the churches of "San Bartolomeo all’Isola, San Basilio, San Lorenzo in Miranda, Santa Maria dei Martiri, Santa Maria de Secundicerio, San Nicola in Carcere, San Nicola dei Cesarini, San Sebastiano al Palatino, Santo Stefano delle Carrozze, Sant’Urbano alla Caffarella, and the oratory of Saints Peter and Paul (now Santa Francesca Romana)... located in the ancient city center, except Sant’Urbano, which is on the Via Appia.
- In addition, we know of three Mithraea in Rome that were [reduced to rubble and] built over by churches: at San Clemente, Santa Prisca, and Santo Stefano Rotondo, all situated well outside the city center. These Mithraea have traditionally been included in the temple conversions in Rome, but, ... they in fact form a distinct group chronologically, architecturally, topographically, and conceptually".[191]
- According to modern archaeology, 120 pagan temples were converted to churches in the whole of the empire, out of the thousands of temples that existed, with two thirds of them dated at the end of the fifth century or later. In the fourth and fifth century, there were no conversions of temples in the city of Rome.[192] None of the churches attributed to Martin of Tours can be shown to have existed in Gaul in the fourth century.[193]
- R. P. C. Hanson says the direct conversion of temples into churches did not begin until the mid fifth century in any but a few isolated incidents.[194]: 257 It is likely this timing stems from the fact that these buildings and places remained officially in public use, ownership could only be transferred by the emperor, and temples remained protected by law.[195]
- "That Christian emperors continued to protect the temple buildings of Rome is evident from their legislation. A law by Constantius and Constans, issued to the urban prefect of Rome, already prescribed that “although all superstitions must be completely eradicated, nevertheless, it is Our will that the buildings of the temples situated outside the walls shall remain untouched and uninjured.” Arcadius and Honorius issued a law to the praetorian prefect of Italy, determining that “all public buildings and buildings that belong to any temple, those that are situated within the walls of the city or even those that are attached to the walls, [ . . . ] shall be held and kept by decurions and members of guilds.” Finally, a law by Leo and Majorian, issued to the urban prefect of Rome, specifically demanded that “all the buildings that have been founded by the ancients as temples [ . . . ] shall not be destroyed by any person.”... These laws stand in contrast to those in the East, which call for the destruction of temples; see CTh 16.10.16, 25." says Schuddeboom.[196]
- "What portion of this real estate was made available to the Church was therefore principally a matter of imperial, not Church, policy".[195] That is why Boniface IV (608–615) needed authorization in 609 from the emperor Phocas to convert the Pantheon into a Church, and why Honorius I (625–638) asked the emperor Heraclius’s permission to recycle the bronze roof tiles of the temple of Venus and Roma.[197][198] : 65–72 It is only with the formation of the Papal State in the eighth century, (when the emperor’s properties in the West came into the possession of the bishop of Rome), that the conversions of temples in Rome took off in earnest.[199]
- "With the sole exception of the Pantheon, all known temple conversions in Rome date from the time of the Papal State, when imperial donations were no longer required".[200] Temple conversion was limited to a small number of buildings and sites, without any sign of ideological based actions or wanton destruction.[201] Temples were preserved whole or repaired for reuse just as many secular buildings were.[202]
- Schuddeboom concludes "There is nothing to suggest that their status as former places of pagan worship made them any less or more attractive than other buildings possessed of similar architectural and topographical qualities...".[201] Individual temples and temple sites were converted to churches primarily to preserve their exceptional architecture or were used pragmatically because of their exceptional location.[203]
- ^ When Benedict of Nursia went to Monte Cassino around 530, he found a temple to Apollo with its statue and altar on which people still placed their offerings.[204] By the 590s, Pope Gregory I complains about pagan rituals among landowners and peasants on Church lands in Sicily and Sardinia.[205]
- ^ In Late Antiquity, people had felt no need for special holy men who could access the divine for them, but the gradual "magicization" of the church's sacraments and devotions also increased the role of "holy men" who could provide that.[211] For the laity, that meant their donations, which had been for maintenance of the church, the sick and the poor, instead became donations for the dead to insure their salvation after death, all of which went into church coffers.[212]
- ^
- In the first half of the sixth century, the eastern emperor Justinian I (r. 527–565) came to Rome to liberate it from barbarians leading to a guerrilla war that lasted nearly 20 years.[221] After fighting ended, Justinian used what is known as a Pragmatic Sanction to assert control.[222] The Sanction effectively removed the supports that had allowed the senatorial aristocracy to retain power.[223] The political and social influence of the Senate's aristocratic members began to disappear from civic life in Rome. By 630, the Senate had fully ceased to exist, and its building was converted into a church.[223] Bishops stepped into civic leadership in their place.[223] The position and influence of the pope rose.[224] By the eighth century, papal control of Rome was fully established. Italy can be said to have become a Christian country.[223]
- Under Justinian, "the full force of imperial legislation against deviants of all kinds, particularly religious" ones, was applied in practice, writes Judith Herrin.[225]: 213 According to Anthony Kaldellis, Justinian is remembered as "the last Roman emperor of ecumenical importance", yet it is as the emperor who sought to extend Roman authority around the Mediterranean, that he is often seen as a tyrant and despot.[226][227] Justinian sought to centralize imperial government, became increasingly autocratic, and "nothing could be done", (not even in the Church), that was contrary to the emperor's will and command.[228]
- Where Constantine had granted the right to all to follow freely whatever religion they wished through the Edict of Milan, Justinian's religious policy reflected his conviction that a unified Empire presupposed unity of faith.[229][230] The church was prevented from using physical force to convert non-believers, especially Jews who were protected by law, but Justinian did use social boycotting, repressive law and his own personal interference in the affairs of others, such as instructing the Jews on how to practice their religion.[231] The Samaritans had been in the same category as Jews, a permitted religion under Roman law, but in 529 Samaritans rose in revolt, were "ruthlessly crushed" and lost their status. Justinian persecuted them thereafter with rigorous edicts.[232]
- He purged the bureaucracy of those who disagreed with him.[233] Imperial laws that had been laid down by pagan Emperors like Diocletian and Maximian to persecute Christians were used against the Manicheans.[234]: 285 Judith Lieu writes that, "By the sixth century, anathematized, vilified as a 'defilement', its leaders beheaded, their followers exiled, impoverished or also slain, Manichaeism was extinguished, and with its books destroyed, left only its name to the Christian world as a term of abuse for dualisms generally".[235] In Kaldellis' estimation, "Few emperors had started so many wars or tried to enforce cultural and religious uniformity with such zeal".[236][237][238][239]
- Herrin asserts that, under Justinian, this involved considerable destruction.[240] The decree of 528 had already barred pagans from state office when, decades later, Justinian ordered a "persecution of surviving Hellenes, accompanied by the burning of pagan books, pictures and statues" which took place at the Kynêgion.[240] Herrin says it is difficult to assess the degree to which Christians are responsible for the losses of ancient documents in many cases, but in the mid-sixth century, active persecution in Constantinople destroyed many ancient texts.[240]
- Reformatting native religious and cultural activities and beliefs into a Christianized form was officially sanctioned; preserved in the Venerable Bede's Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum is a letter from Pope Gregory I (540-604) to Mellitus (d.604), arguing that conversions were easier if people were allowed to retain the outward forms of their traditions, while claiming that the traditions were in honor of the Christian God, "to the end that, whilst some gratifications are outwardly permitted them, they may the more easily consent to the inward consolations of the grace of God".[241]
- ^ According to Willibald's Life of Saint Boniface, about 723, the missionary cut down the sacred Donar's Oak and used the lumber to build a church dedicated to St. Peter.[261] This account is highly stylized, portraying Boniface as a singular character who alone roots out paganism.[262]: 40–41 Around 744, Saint Sturm established the monastery of Fulda on the ruins of a 6th-century Merovingian royal camp, destroyed 50 years earlier by the Saxons, at a ford on the Fulda River.
See also
- Anti-paganism policies of the early Byzantine Empire
- Forcible conversion to Christianity
- Christian debate on persecution and toleration
- Conquistador
- Crusades
- European colonization of the Americas
- Goa Inquisition
- Inculturation
- Missions
- Taiping Rebellion
- Christianization of Anglo-Saxon England
- Christianization of England
- Christianization of Ireland
- Christianization of the Celtic peoples
- Christianization of Roman (Southern) France
- Christianization of Bavaria
- Christianization of the Netherlands
- Christianization of the Swiss
- Christianization of Lithuania
- Christianization of the Faroe Islands
- Christianization of the Basque people
- Christianization of Iceland
- Christianization of Scandinavia
- Christianization of Finland
- Christianization of Kievan Rus'
- Christianization of the Rus' Khaganate
- Christianization of Poland
- Christianization of Bulgaria
- Christianization of Armenia
- Christianization of Goa
- Christianization of Tonga
- In other religions
References
- ^ Sanmark, Alexandra (2003), "Power and Conversion: A Comparative Study of Christianization in Scandinavia" (PDF), Occasional Papers in Archaeology, 34[permanent dead link]
- ^ a b c Jongeneel, Jan AB. "‘Christendom,’‘Christianity,’and ‘Christianization’: Terminological and Theological Considerations." Trajectories of Religion in Africa. Brill, 2014. 99-110.
- ^ Sanneh, Lamin O. Disciples of all nations: Pillars of world Christianity. Oxford University Press, 2007.
- ^ Scourfield 2007, p. 2.
- ^ Kaplan 1995, p. 28-29.
- ^ Salzman 2002, pp. 200–219.
- ^ Brown 1998, p. 641.
- ^ Abruzzi, William. "Mithraism and Christianity." page 24
- ^ Rausing, Gad (1995). "The days of the week and Dark Age politics". Fornvännen. 90 (4): 229.
- ^ Scourfield 2007, pp. 18, 20–22.
- ^ Forbes, Bruce David (2008). Christmas: A Candid History (illustrated, reprint ed.). University of California Press. p. 26. ISBN 9780520258020.
- ^ Runciman 2004, p. 6.
- ^ Collar 2013, p. 6.
- ^ Collar 2013, pp. 6, 36, 39.
- ^ Collar 2013, p. 325.
- ^ HARNETT 2017, pp. 200, 217.
- ^ Hopkins 1998, p. 193.
- ^ Runciman 2004, p. 3.
- ^ Runciman 2004, p. 4.
- ^ a b Fahy T. The Council of Jerusalem. Irish Theological Quarterly. 1963;30(3):232-261. doi:10.1177/002114006303000303 p=249
- ^ Praet 1992–1993, p. 45–48.
- ^ a b Meeks, Wayne A. (2003). The First Urban Christians (second ed.). Yale University. ISBN 0-300-09861-8.
- ^ Runciman 2004, pp. 3, 6.
- ^ a b Trebilco 2017, pp. 85, 218.
- ^ Hopkins 1998, p. 187.
- ^ Price 1986, p. paragraphs 5-8 section IV the Imperial Context.
- ^ Gruen, Erich S. "Christians as a “Third Race”." Christianity in the Second Century: Themes and Developments (2017): 235-49.p=239
- ^ Meeks 2002, p. 4.
- ^ Green, Bernard (2010). Christianity in Ancient Rome: The First Three Centuries. A&C Black. ISBN 9780567032508. pp=126-127
- ^ Praet 1992–1993, p. 68;108.
- ^ Cohan, Sara. "A brief history of the Armenian Genocide." Social Education 69.6 (2005): p=333.
- ^ Aleksidze 2018, p. 138.
- ^ a b Aleksidze 2018, p. 135.
- ^ a b c THOMSON, ROBERT W. “Mission, Conversion, and Christianization: The Armenian Example.” Harvard Ukrainian Studies, vol. 12/13, 1988, pp. 28–45. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41036303. Accessed 18 Aug. 2022.
- ^ Rapp, Stephen H., Jr (2007). "7 – Georgian Christianity". The Blackwell Companion to Eastern Christianity. John Wiley & Sons. p. 138. ISBN 978-1-4443-3361-9. Retrieved 11 May 2012.
- ^ Aleksidze 2018, pp. 135–136.
- ^ Horn, Cornelia B. "St. Nino and the Christianization of pagan Georgia." Medieval encounters 4.3 (1998): 242-264. p=abstract
- ^ a b c Siecienski, A. Edward (2017). Constantine: Religious Faith and Imperial Policy (illustrated ed.). Routledge. p. 3. ISBN 9781351976114.
- ^ Drake 1995, pp. 2, 15.
- ^ Drake 1995, pp. 1, 2.
- ^ Drake 1995, p. 3.
- ^ a b Brown 2012, p. 61.
- ^ Brown 2012, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Drake 1995, pp. 9, 10.
- ^ a b Leithart 2010, p. 302.
- ^ Wiemer 1994, p. 523.
- ^ Drake 1995, p. 7–9.
- ^ Bradbury 1994, pp. 122–126.
- ^ Leithart 2010, p. 304.
- ^ a b Brown 2003, p. 74.
- ^ Thompson 2005, p. 87,93.
- ^ Drake 1995, pp. 3, 7.
- ^ Bayliss 2004, p. 243.
- ^ Southern 2015, p. 455–457.
- ^ Bradbury 1995, p. 343.
- ^ Bradbury 1994, p. 139.
- ^ Salzman, M. R. (1987). 'Superstitio' in the Codex Theodosianus and the Persecution of Pagans1, Vigiliae Christianae, 41(2), 172-188. doi: https://doi.org/10.1163/157007287X00049
- ^ a b c Digeser 2000, p. 168.
- ^ Hart 2009, pp. 19, 186.
- ^ a b Brown 1998, p. 638.
- ^ Digeser 2000, pp. 168–169.
- ^ a b Digeser 2000, p. 169.
- ^ a b c Roux, Marie. "Codex Theodosianus XVI.10.12 (8th November 392 CE)". Judaism and Rome. European Research Council. Retrieved 20 June 2022.
- ^ Bradbury 1995, p. 331; Cameron 2011, pp. 45, 67.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxiv.
- ^ Thompson 2005, pp. 87, 93.
- ^ Thompson 2005, p. 93.
- ^ Bradbury 1995, p. 345-356.
- ^ Bradbury 1994, p. 123.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, pp. xxvii, xxiv.
- ^ a b R. MacMullen, Christianizing The Roman Empire A.D.100–400, Yale University Press, 1984, ISBN 0-300-03642-6
- ^ Trombley, F. R. 1995a. Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c. 370-529. New York. I. 166-8, II. 335-6
- ^ a b Trombley, Frank R. Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c. 370–529. Netherlands, Brill Academic Publishers, 2001.
- ^ Bayliss 2004, p. 110.
- ^ a b c Leone 2013, p. 82.
- ^ Leone 2013, p. 28.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxvi.
- ^ a b Bradbury 1995, p. 353.
- ^ a b Brown 2003, p. 60.
- ^ Jones 1986, pp. 8–10, 13, 735.
- ^ Bagnall 2021, p. p=261-269.
- ^ Leone 2013, p. 2.
- ^ Leone 2013, p. 29.
- ^ Loosley, Emma (2012). The Architecture and Liturgy of the Bema in Fourth- To-Sixth-Century Syrian Churches (illustrated ed.). Brill. p. 3. ISBN 9789004231825.
- ^ Bayliss 2004, p. 30.
- ^ MacMullen, R. Christianizing The Roman Empire A.D.100-400, Yale University Press, 1984, ISBN 0-300-03642-6
- ^ Bradbury 1994, p. 132.
- ^ Bradbury 1994, p. 131.
- ^ Bayliss 2004, p. 31.
- ^ Brown 1998, pp. 649–652.
- ^ a b Brown 1998, p. 650.
- ^ Bayliss 2004, pp. 39, 40.
- ^ a b c Kahlos, Maijastina. "Seizing History: Christianising the Past in Late Antique Historiography." (2015).
- ^ a b Brown 1993, pp. 90–91, 640.
- ^ a b c Brown 1998, p. 640.
- ^ Brown 1993, p. 90.
- ^ a b Brown 1998, p. 634,640,651.
- ^ Salzman 1993, p. 375; 861.
- ^ MacMullen 1984, p. 46–50.
- ^ a b Salzman 2006, p. 265.
- ^ Barnes 1985, p. 496.
- ^ Hart 2009, p. 148-152.
- ^ Schwartz 2005, p. 150–151.
- ^ Schwartz 2005, p. 152.
- ^ Schwartz 2005, p. 150–152.
- ^ Salzman 2006, p. 278–279.
- ^ Salzman 2006, p. 279.
- ^ Salzman 2006, p. 280.
- ^ Salzman 2006, p. 282.
- ^ Riggs 2006, p. 297; 308.
- ^ Salzman, Sághy & Testa 2016, p. 2.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. 155.
- ^ Scourfield 2007, p. 2–4.
- ^ Van Dam 1985, p. 2.
- ^ Salzman, Michele Renee. chapter= Rethinking pagan-Christian violence." in Drake Violence in late Antiquity. Routledge, 2016. 287-308.
- ^ Curran 2000.
- ^ Bradbury 1994, p. 126.
- ^ a b c Salzman, Michele R. "'Superstitio'in the Codex Theodosianus and the Persecution of Pagans1." Vigiliae christianae 41.2 (1987): 172-188.
- ^ Cameron 1993, p. 75.
- ^ a b Constantelos 1964, p. 372.
- ^ Brown 1998, pp. 641, 645.
- ^ a b Brown 1998, p. 645.
- ^ Brown 1992, pp. 85–87.
- ^ a b c Manders, Erika; Slootjes, Daniëlle (2020). "Leadership, Ideology and Crowds in the Roman Empire of the Fourth Century AD" (PDF). (Heidelberger althistorische Beiträge und epigraphische Studien. 62.
- ^ Salzman, M.R., The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire (2002), p. 182
- ^ Errington 2006, pp. 248–249.
- ^ Cameron 2011, p. 74.
- ^ a b c Hebblewhite 2020, chapter 8.
- ^ Cameron 1993, p. 74 (note 177).
- ^ Cameron 1993, pp. 46–47, 72.
- ^ Testa, Rita Lizzi (2007). "Christian emperor, vestal virgins and priestly colleges: Reconsidering the end of roman paganism". Antiquité tardive. 15: 251–262. doi:10.1484/J.AT.2.303121.
- ^ Graf, pp. 229–232.
- ^ Tony Perrottet (2004). The Naked Olympics: The True Story of the Ancient Games. Random House Digital, Inc. pp. 190–. ISBN 978-1-58836-382-4. Retrieved 1 April 2013.
- ^ Hamlet, Ingomar. "Theodosius I. And The Olympic Games". Nikephoros 17 (2004): pp. 53–75.
- ^ Remijsen, Sofie (2015). The End of Greek Athletics in Late Antiquity. Cambridge University Press.
- ^ McLynn 1994, pp. 330–333.
- ^ Errington 2006, pp. 247–248.
- ^ a b c Woods, Religious Policy.
- ^ Cameron 2011, pp. 60, 63, 68.
- ^ Errington 1997, p. 410-411; 430.
- ^ Cameron 2011, pp. 61.
- ^ Bilias & Grigolo 2019, p. 82.
- ^ Simeoni, Manuel. "THEODOSIAN CODE (CODEX THEODOSIANUS) 16.10: TEXT". European Pagan Memory Day. Retrieved 19 April 2022.
- ^ Errington 1997, p. 431.
- ^ a b c Sáry 2019, p. 73.
- ^ Sáry 2019, pp. 72–74, fn. 32, 33, 34, 77.
- ^ Sáry 2019, p. 70.
- ^ C. Pharr (tr.), The Theodosian Code and Novels and the Sirmondian Constitutions (Princeton, 1952), 440.
- ^ Sáry 2019, p. 71-72.
- ^ Errington 1997, pp. 4, 412.
- ^ Sáry 2019, pp. 73, 77.
- ^ Sáry 2019, p. 79.
- ^ Cameron 2011, pp. 60, 65, 68–73.
- ^ Cameron 2011, pp. 61, 99.
- ^ Errington 2006, p. 251.
- ^ Cameron 2011, p. 71.
- ^ Cameron 2011, pp. 56, 64.
- ^ Bagnall et al 1987, p. 317.
- ^ Kahlos 2019, p. 35 (and note 45).
- ^ Errington 2006, pp. 245, 251.
- ^ Errington 2006, p. 249.
- ^ Ramsay MacMullen (1984) Christianizing the Roman Empire A.D. 100–400, Yale University Press, p. 90.
- ^ Cameron 2011, p. 57.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxx.
- ^ Fowden, Garth (1978). "Bishops and Temples in the Eastern Roman Empire A.D. 320–435". The Journal of Theological Studies. 29 (1). Oxford University Press: 53–78. doi:10.1093/jts/XXIX.1.53. JSTOR 23960254.
- ^ a b Cusack 1998, p. 35.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 56 fn.50.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 56; 39.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 39.
- ^ Russell 1996, p. 138.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 58.
- ^ Lenski 1995, p. 51.
- ^ Lenski 1995, p. 80.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 37.
- ^ Cusack 1998, p. 78; 101.
- ^ Lenski 1995, p. 55.
- ^ Gottfried Schramm: A New Approach to Albanian History 1994
- ^ Praet & 1992-1993, p. 11-12.
- ^ Praet & 1992-1993, p. 16.
- ^ Leone 2013, pp. 13, 42.
- ^ Cameron 1993, p. 392–393.
- ^ Brown 1963, p. 284.
- ^ Clark 1992, pp. 543–546.
- ^ Markus 1990, pp. 141–142.
- ^ Cameron 2011, pp. 8–10.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. xxxix.
- ^ Markus 1990, p. 142.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 166–167, 177.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, p. 167.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 167–169, 176.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 167–169.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 169.
- ^ Lavan & Mulryan 2011, p. 178.
- ^ R. P. C. HANSON, THE TRANSFORMATION OF PAGAN TEMPLES INTO CHURCHES IN THE EARLY CHRISTIAN CENTURIES, Journal of Semitic Studies, Volume 23, Issue 2, Autumn 1978, Pages 257–267, Accessed 26 June 2020 https://doi.org/10.1093/jss/23.2.257
- ^ a b Schuddeboom 2017, p. 181-182.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, p. 179 fn.39.
- ^ MacDonald, William L. (1976). The Pantheon: Design, Meaning, and Progeny. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 0-674-01019-1
- ^ Krautheimer, R. 1980. Rome, Profile of a City, 312-1308. Princeton, New Jersey.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, p. 179.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, p. 182.
- ^ a b Schuddeboom 2017, p. 181.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, p. 174.
- ^ Schuddeboom 2017, pp. 181–182.
- ^ Hinson, E. The Early Church: Origins to the Dawn of the Middle Ages. Abingdon Press (2010). Part. "The Western Rome Empire".
- ^ Salamon, Maciej. Paganism in the Later Roman Empire and in Byzantium. Universitas (1991). p. 128.
- ^ a b c Brown 1998, p. 639.
- ^ Bayliss, p. 68.
- ^ Brown 1998, pp. 633, 641.
- ^ MacMullen 1986, pp. 133–134.
- ^ Brown 2012, pp. 512–515, 530.
- ^ Markus 1990, p. 26.
- ^ Brown 2012, pp. 514–517, 530.
- ^ a b Markus 1990, p. 228.
- ^ a b Uthemann, Karl-Heinz. "Christ's Image versus Christology: Thoughts on the Justinianic Era as Threshold of an Epoch." The Sixth Century: End or Beginning?. Brill, 2017. 197-223.
- ^ Brown 2012, p. 515.
- ^ BROWN, P. R. L. “RELIGIOUS DISSENT IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE: THE CASE OF NORTH AFRICA.” History, vol. 46, no. 157, 1961, pp. 83–101. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24405338. Accessed 22 Aug. 2022.
- ^ Ekonomou 2007, pp. 245–247.
- ^ Miller, 1974 & p79.
- ^ Salzman 2021, pp. 335–336.
- ^ Ekonomou 2007, pp. 63–64.
- ^ Ekonomou 2007, p. 1, 3.
- ^ Salzman 2021, p. 298.
- ^ a b c d Salzman 2021, p. 335.
- ^ Salzman 2021, p. 299.
- ^ Herrin, Judith (2009). "Book Burning as purification". In Rousseau, Philip; Papoutsakis, Emmanuel (eds.). Transformations of Late Antiquity: Essays for Peter Brown, Volume 2 (illustrated, reprint ed.). Ashgate Publishing, Ltd. ISBN 9780754665533.
- ^ Kaldellis 2012, pp. 1–3.
- ^ Stern 1998, p. 151.
- ^ Mansi 1762, p. 970B.
- ^ Irmscher 1988, p. 165.
- ^ Anastos, Milton. "The Edict of Milan (313): A Defence of Its Traditional Authorship and Designation." Revue des études byzantines 25.1 (1967): 13-41.
- ^ Grayzel 1968, p. 93.
- ^ Evans 2005, p. 26.
- ^ Kaldellis 2012, p. 2.
- ^ BROWN, PETER. “RELIGIOUS COERCION IN THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE: THE CASE OF NORTH AFRICA.” History, vol. 48, no. 164, 1963, pp. 283–305. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/24405550. Accessed 26 Aug. 2022.
- ^ Lieu, Judith M. (1999). "The'attraction of women'in/to early Judaism and Christianity: gender and the politics of conversion". Journal for the Study of the New Testament. 21 (72): 5–22. doi:10.1177/0142064X9902107202. S2CID 144475695.
- ^ Kaldellis 2012, p. 3.
- ^ Irmscher 1988, p. 166.
- ^ Lichtenberger & Raja 2018, pp. 85–98.
- ^ Synek 2014, pp. 245–258.
- ^ a b c Herrin 2009, p. 213.
- ^ Bede (2007) [1910]. The Ecclesiastical History of the English Nation. Translated by Jane, L. C. New York: Cosimo Classics. p. 53. ISBN 9781602068322. Retrieved 16 September 2017.
- ^ a b c Harney 2017, p. 103.
- ^ Haley, Gene C. “Tamlachta: The Map of Plague Burials and Some Implications for Early Irish History.” Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, vol. 22, 2002, pp. 96–140. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40285165. Accessed 24 Aug. 2022.
- ^ a b Harney 2017, p. 117.
- ^ Harney 2017, p. 119.
- ^ Harney 2017, p. 104.
- ^ Harney 2017, p. 120,121.
- ^ Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.67
- ^ Thomas 1981, p. 34.
- ^ Thomas, Charles. "Evidence for Christianity in Roman Britain. The Small Finds. By CF Mawer. BAR British Series 243. Tempus Reparatum, Oxford, 1995. Pp. vi+ 178, illus. ISBN 0 8605 4789 2." Britannia 28 (1997): 506-507.
- ^ Sharpe, Richard. Life of St Columba. Penguin UK, 1995.
- ^ a b Wood, Ian N. "Some historical re-identifications and the Christianization of Kent." Christianizing Peoples and Converting Individuals (2007): 27-35.
- ^ Harney 2017, p. 107.
- ^ Brown 2003, p. 137.
- ^ Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.48
- ^ Danuta, Shanzer (March 1998). "Dating the Baptism of Clovis: The bishop of Vienna vs the bishop of Tours". Early Medieval Europe. 7 (1): 29–57. doi:10.1111/1468-0254.00017. S2CID 161819012.
- ^ Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.48
- ^ Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.45-48, p.53
- ^ a b Lund, James. "RELIGION AND THOUGHT." Modern Germany (2022): 113.
- ^ Grave goods, which of course are not a Christian practice, have been found until that time; see: Padberg, Lutz v. (1998), p.59
- ^ Willibald. Life of Saint Boniface, (George W. Robinson, trans.) (1916). Harvard University Press
- ^ Padberg, Lutz E. von (2003). Bonifatius: Missionar und Reformer. Beck. ISBN 978-3-406-48019-5.
- ^ Riché 1993, p. 87.
- ^ Riché 1993, pp. 105, 161.
- ^ Barbero, Alessandro (2004). Charlemagne: Father of a Continent, page 46. University of California Press.
- ^ Riché 1993, p. 299.
- ^ Needham, N. R. (2000). 2,000 Years of Christ's Power. Vol. Part Two: The Middle Ages. Grace Publications Trust. ISBN 978-0-946462-56-8.
- ^ Burton, Edward. History of the Christian Church in the 1st Century. Ozymandias Press (2016). Chapter IV: "Paul is sent to Rome".
- ^ Hinson, E. The Early Church: Origins to the Dawn of the Middle Ages. Abingdon Press (2010). Part. "The Western Rome Empire".
- ^ Salamon, Maciej. Paganism in the Later Roman Empire and in Byzantium. Universitas (1991). p. 128.
- ^ Kelly, Thomas. The Beneventan Chant. CUP Archive (1989). p. 8.
- ^ Grimassi, Raven. Encyclopedia of Wicca & Witchcraft. Llewellyn Worldwide (2000). p. 454.
- ^ Dunn, Marilyn. Belief and Religion in Barbarian Europe c. 350-700. A&C Black (2013). p. 107.
- ^ Gregory, Timothy (1986). "The Survival of Paganism in Christian Greece: A Critical Essay". The American Journal of Philology, Vol. 107, No. 2.
- ^ Saradi, Helen (2011). "Late paganism and christianisation in Greece". Late Antique Archaeology, 7(1):261-309.
- ^ Poulik, Josef (1978). "The Origins of Christianity in Slavonic Countries North of the Middle Danube Basin". World Archaeology. 10 (2): 158–171. doi:10.1080/00438243.1978.9979728.
- ^ Stanislav, Ján (1934). Životy slovanských apoštolov Cyrila a Metoda. Panonsko-moravské legendy. Bratislava, Praha: Vydané spoločne nakladateľstvom Slovenskej ligy a L. Mazáča. Archived from the original on 2008-03-25. Retrieved 2009-10-09.
- ^ Bartoňková Dagmar; et al., eds. (1969). "Libellus de conversione Bagoariorum et Carantanorum (i.e. Conversio)". Magnae Moraviae fontes historici III. Praha: Statni pedagogicke nakl.
- ^ Conversio Bagoariorum et Carantanorum: "Adalramus archepiscopus ultra Danubium in sua proprietate loco vocato Nitrava consecravit ecclesiam." ("Archbishop Adalram consecrated a church for him over the Danube on his possession called Nitra.")
- ^ Sommer, Petr; Trestik, Dusan; Zemlicka, Josef (2007), "Bohemia and Moravia", in Berend, Nora (ed.), Christianization and the rise of Christian monarchy : Scandinavia, Central Europe and Rus' c. 900–1200, Cambridge, UK; New York: Cambridge University Press, pp. 214–262
- ^ Barford, P. M. (2001). The early Slavs : culture and society in early medieval Eastern Europe. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
- ^ a b Philip Schaff. History of the Christian Church, Volume IV: Mediaeval Christianity. A.D. 590–1073. CCEL. pp. 161–162. ISBN 978-1-61025-043-6. Retrieved 15 June 2013.
- ^ a b De Administrando Imperio
- ^ A collection of dated Byzantine lead seals, page 47: "733... Church of Constantinople"
- ^ "Vladimir Corovic: Istorija srpskog naroda". Rastko.rs. Retrieved 2012-01-12.
- ^ Vlasto, A. P. (1970-10-02). The entry of the Slavs into Christendom: an introduction to the medieval ... – A. P. Vlasto – Google Boeken. ISBN 9780521074599. Retrieved 2012-01-12.
- ^ The wars of the Balkan Peninsula: their medieval origins ISBN 0-8108-5846-0
- ^ Ivan Popovski, A Short History of South East Europe, "Medieval Croatian states", Lulu Press, Inc, 2017.
- ^ Stjepan Antoljak, Pregled hrvatske povijesti, Split, 1993, str. 43.
- ^ Evans, Arthur (2007). Through Bosnia and the Herzegovina on Foot During the Insurrection, August and September 1875. Cosimo, Inc., p. 363.
- ^ "The Truth: What Every Roman Catholic Should Know about the Orthodox Church" Dr.Clark Carlton
- ^ Sisa, Stephen. (1995). The Spirit of Hungary : A Panorama of Hungarian History and Culture. Vista Court Books. Millington, NJ: United States
- ^ a b Schön 2004, 170
- ^ Schön 2004, 172
- ^ Schön 2004, 173
- ^ a b Christiansen, Erik (1997). The Northern Crusades. London: Penguin Books. pp. 287. ISBN 978-0-14-026653-5.
- ^ Hunyadi, Zsolt; József Laszlovszky (2001). The Crusades and the Military Orders: Expanding the Frontiers of Medieval Latin Christianity. Budapest: Central European University Press. p. 606. ISBN 978-963-9241-42-8.
- ^ An Historical Overview of the Crusade to Livonia by William Urban
- ^ Stephen McKenna, Paganism and Pagan Survivals in Spain up to the Fall of the Visigothic Kingdom, Chapter 5 : "Pagan Survivals in Visigothic Spain". Catholic University of America, 1938.
- ^ Jimeno Jurio, Jose Maria, Historia de Pamplona y de sus Lenguas, Tafalla: Txalaparta, 1995, p. 47.
- ^ Kenneth Scott Latourette, A History of the Expansion of Christianity Volume 3 Three Centuries Of Advance A.D. 1500-A.D. 1800 (1939)
- ^ Guy Stresser-Pean, The Sun God and the Savior: The Christianization of the Nahua and Totonac in the Sierra Norte De Puebla, Mexico (2009)
- ^ Stuart B. Schwartz, All Can Be Saved: Religious Tolerance and Salvation in the Iberian Atlantic World (2009)
- ^ Data From Ann Arbor, Michigan: Inter-university Consortium for Political and Social Research (ICPS).
- ^ Jay P. Dolan, The Irish Americans: A History (2010) pp 67–83
- ^ "Vita, ch xiii". Archived from the original on 2006-09-09. Retrieved 2005-07-04.
- ^ De expugnatione Lyxbonensi
- ^ General Biblical Studies, Interdenominational Christian Training Center. "Take an Illustrated Tour of Christian Symbols". Learn Religions. Retrieved 2021-10-27.
- ^ Testa 1998, p. 78.
- ^ Testa 1998, p. 80.
- ^ Goodenough 1962, p. 138.
- ^ Testa 1998, p. 82.
- ^ Goodenough 1962, p. 125.
- ^ General Biblical Studies, Interdenominational Christian Training Center. "Take an Illustrated Tour of Christian Symbols". Learn Religions. Retrieved 2021-10-27.
Bibliography
- Agat'angeghos (1976). Thomson, Robert W. (ed.). History of the Armenians (illustrated ed.). SUNY Press. ISBN 9780873953238.
- Aleksidze, Nikoloz (2018). "7: Caucasia: Albania, Armenia and Georgia". In Lössl, Josef; Baker-Brian, Nicholas J. (eds.). A Companion to Religion in Late Antiquity. John Wiley and Sons. ISBN 9781118968109.
- Bagnall, Roger S.; Alan Cameron; Seth R. Schwartz & Klaas A. Worp (1987). Consuls of the Later Roman Empire. Oxford University Press. ISBN 1-55540-099-X.
- Bagnall, Roger S. (2021). Egypt in Late Antiquity (illustrated, reprint ed.). Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1-4008-2116-7.
- Balmer, Randall (2001). Religion in Twentieth Century America. ISBN 0-19-511295-4.
- Barnes, T.D. (1985). "Review of Christianizing the Roman Empire A.D. 100–400 by R. Macmullen". Echos du Monde Classique: Classical Views. 29 (3): 495–496.
- Barnes, T. D. (1968). "Legislation against the Christians". The Journal of Roman Studies. 58: 32–50. doi:10.2307/299693. JSTOR 299693. S2CID 161858491.
- Bayliss, Richard (2004). Provincial Cilicia and the Archaeology of Temple Conversion. Oxford: Archaeopress. ISBN 978-1-84171-634-3.
- Bilias, Konstantinos; Grigolo, Francesca (2019). "04 Lares and lararia: The domestic religion brought out to the sidewalk". public private. An exhibition of the Q-Kolleg at the Winckelmann-Institut Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin in cooperation with the Dipartimento Scienza dell` Antichitá of the Sapienza-Università di Roma (19/06/2019 – 31/12/2019). Berlin, Germany: Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin. pp. 79–101.
- Bradbury, Scott (1995). "Julian's Pagan Revival and the Decline of Blood Sacrifice". Phoenix. 49 (4): . 331–56.
- Bradbury, Scott (1994). "Constantine and the Problem of Anti-Pagan Legislation in the Fourth Century". Classical Philology. 89 (2): 120–139. doi:10.1086/367402. S2CID 159997492.
- Brewer, Catherine (2005). "The Status of the Jews in Roman Legislation: The Reign of Justinian 527-565 Ce". European Judaism: A Journal for the New Europe. 38 (2): 127–139. JSTOR 41443760.
- Brown, Peter (1998). "Christianization and religious conflict". In Averil Cameron; Peter Garnsey (eds.). The Cambridge Ancient History XIII: The Late Empire, A.D. 337–425. Cambridge University Press. pp. 632–664. ISBN 978-0-521-30200-5.
- Brown, Peter (1992). Power and persuasion in late antiquity : towards a Christian empire. Madison, Wis.: University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-13344-3.
- Brown, Peter (1993). "The Problem of Christianization" (PDF). Proceedings of the British Academy. 84. Oxford University Press: 89–106.
- Brown, Peter (2003). The rise of Western Christendom : triumph and diversity, A.D. 200-1000 (2nd ed.). Malden, MA: Blackwell Publishers. ISBN 978-0-631-22137-1.
- Brown, Peter (2012). Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 350–550 AD. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0-691-15290-5.
- Cameron, Averil (1993). The Later Roman Empire, AD 284-430 (illustrated ed.). Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-51194-1.
- Cameron, Alan (2011). The Last Pagans of Rome. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-974727-6.
- Cameron, Averil (1991). Christianity and the rhetoric of empire : the development of Christian discourse. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-07160-5.
- Clark, Elizabeth A. (1992). "The End of Ancient Christianity". Ancient Philosophy. 12 (2): 543–546. doi:10.5840/ancientphil199212240.
- Collar, Anna (2013). Religious Networks in the Roman Empire (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781107043442.
- Constantelos, Demetrios J. (1964). "Paganism and the State in the Age of Justinian". The Catholic Historical Review. 50 (3): 372–80. JSTOR 25017472.
- Curran, John 2000. Pagan City and Christian Capital. (Oxford) ISBN 0-19-815278-7. Reviewed by Fred S. Kleiner in Bryn Mawr Classical Review 20
- Cusack, Carole M. (1998). Conversion Among the Germanic Peoples (reprint ed.). A&C Black. ISBN 9780304701551.
- Digeser, Elizabeth DePalma (2000). The Making of a Christian Empire: Lactantius & Rome. Cornell University Press. ISBN 978-0-8014-3594-2.
- Drake, H. A. (1995). "Constantine and Consensus". Church History. 64 (1): 1–15. doi:10.2307/3168653. JSTOR 3168653. S2CID 163129848.
- Drake, H.A., ed. (2006). Violence in Late Antiquity: Perceptions and Practices. Aldershot: Ashgate. ISBN 978-0-7546-5498-8.
- Errington, R. Malcolm (1997). "Christian Accounts of the Religious Legislation of Theodosius I". Klio. 79 (2): 398–443. doi:10.1524/klio.1997.79.2.398. S2CID 159619838.
- Errington, R. Malcolm (2006). Roman Imperial Policy from Julian to Theodosius. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. ISBN 978-0-8078-3038-3.
- Evans, James Allan Stewart (2005). The Emperor Justinian and the Byzantine Empire (illustrated, annotated ed.). Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-313-32582-3.
- Fletcher, Richard, The Conversion of Europe. From Paganism to Christianity 371–1386 AD. London 1997.
- Gaustad, Edwin Scott; Noll, Mark (2003). A Documentary History of Religion in America Since 1877. ISBN 0-80-282230-4.
- Graf, Fritz (2014). "Laying Down the Law in Ferragosto: The Roman Visit of Theodosius in Summer 389". Journal of Early Christian Studies. 22 (2): 219–242. doi:10.1353/earl.2014.0022. S2CID 159641057.
- Goodenough, Erwin R. (1962). "Catacomb Art". Journal of Biblical Literature. 81 (2): 113–142. doi:10.2307/3264749. JSTOR 3264749.
- Grayzel, Solomon (1968). "The Jews and Roman Law". The Jewish Quarterly Review. 59 (2): 93–117. doi:10.2307/1453726. JSTOR 1453726.
- HARNETT, Benjamin (2017). "The Diffusion of the Codex". Classical Antiquity. 36 (2). University of California Press: 183–235. doi:10.1525/ca.2017.36.2.183. JSTOR 26362608.
- Harney, Lorcan (2017). "Christianising Pagan Worlds in Conversion-Era Ireland: Archaeological Evidence for the Origins of Irish Ecclesiastical Sites". Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy: Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature. 117C: 103–30.
- Hart, David Bentley (2009). Atheist Delusions: The Christian Revolution and Its Fashionable Enemies (unabridged ed.). Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-15564-8.
- Hebblewhite, Mark (2020). Theodosius and the Limits of Empire. London: Routledge. doi:10.4324/9781315103334. ISBN 978-1-138-10298-9. S2CID 213344890.
- Hopkins, Keith (1998). "Christian Number and Its Implications". Journal of Early Christian Studies. 6 (2): 185–226. doi:10.1353/earl.1998.0035. S2CID 170769034.
- Hughes, Kevin L.; Paffenroth, Kim, eds. (2008). Augustine and Liberal Education. Lexington Books. ISBN 978-0-7391-2383-6.
- Irmscher, Johannes (1988). "Non-christians and sectarians under Justinian: the fate of the inculpated". Collection de l'Institut des Sciences et Techniques de l'Antiquité. 367 (1): 165–167.
- Jones, Arnold Hugh Martin (1986). The Later Roman Empire, 284-602: A Social Economic and Administrative Survey. Vol. 1 (reprint ed.). JHU Press. ISBN 978-0-8018-3353-3.
- Kahlos, Maijastina (2019). Religious Dissent in Late Antiquity, 350–450. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-006725-0.
- Kaldellis, Anthony (2012). Procopius of Caesarea: Tyranny, History, and Philosophy at the End of Antiquity. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 978-0-8122-0241-0.
- Kaplan, Steven 1984 Monastic Holy Man and the Christianization of Early Solomonic Ethiopia (in series Studien zur Kulturkunde) ISBN 3-515-03934-1
- Kaplan, Steven (1995). Indigenous Responses to Western Christianity (illustrated ed.). NYU Press. ISBN 9780814746493.
- Kerenyi, Karl, Dionysus: Archetypal Image of Indestructible Life 1976.
- Lavan, Luke; Mulryan, Michael, eds. (2011). The Archaeology of Late Antique 'Paganism'. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-19237-9.
- Leithart, Peter J. (2010). Defending Constantine The Twilight of an Empire and the Dawn of Christendom. InterVarsity Press. ISBN 978-0-8308-2722-0.
- Lenski, Noel (1995). "The Date of the Gothic Civil War and the Date of the Gothic Conversion" (PDF). Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies. 36 (1).
- Leone, Anna (2013). The End of the Pagan City: Religion, Economy, and Urbanism in Late Antique North Africa (illustrated ed.). OUP. ISBN 978-0-19-957092-8.
- MacMullen, Ramsay (1984). Christianizing the Roman Empire : (A.D. 100-400). New Haven. ISBN 978-0-300-03216-1.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - MacMullen, Ramsay (1986). "What Difference Did Christianity Make?". Historia. 35 (3): 322–343.
- Markus, Robert Austin (1990). The End of Ancient Christianity (illustrated, reprint ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-33949-0.
- Meeks, Wayne A. (2002). In search of the early Christians : selected essays. Yale University Press. ISBN 978-0-300-09142-7.
- McLynn, Neil B. (1994). Ambrose of Milan: Church and Court in a Christian Capital. Berkeley: University of California Press. ISBN 978-0-520-08461-2.
- Padberg, Lutz v., (1998): Die Christianisierung Europas im Mittelalter, Stuttgart, Reclam (German)
- Praet, Danny (1992–1993). "Explaining the Christianization of the Roman Empire. Older theories and recent developments". Sacris Erudiri. Jaarboek voor Godsdienstgeschiedenis. A Journal on the Inheritance of Early and Medieval Christianity. 23: 5–119.
- Price, S. R. F. (1986). Rituals and Power: The Roman Imperial Cult in Asia Minor (illustrated, reprint, revised ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-31268-4.
- Riché, Pierre (1993). The Carolingians : a family who forged Europe. University of Pennsylvania Press. ISBN 0-8122-3062-0.
- Riggs, David. "Christianizing the Rural Communities of Late Roman Africa: A Process of Coercion or Persuasion?". In Drake (2006), pp. 297–308.
- Runciman, W. G. (2004). "The Diffusion of Christianity in the Third Century AD as a Case-Study in the Theory of Cultural Selection". European Journal of Sociology. 45 (1): 3–21. doi:10.1017/S0003975604001365. S2CID 146353096.
- Russell, James C. (1996). The Germanization of Early Medieval Christianity: A Sociohistorical Approach to Religious Transformation (reprint ed.). OUP. ISBN 9780195104660.
- Salzman, Michele Renee (1993). "The Evidence for the Conversion of the Roman Empire to Christianity in Book 16 of the 'Theodosian Code". Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte. 42 (3). Franz Steiner Verlag: 362–78. JSTOR 4436297.
- Salzman, Michele Renee (2010). "Ambrose and the Usurpation of Arbogastes and Eugenius: Reflections on Pagan-Christian Conflict Narratives". Journal of Early Christian Studies. 18 (2). Johns Hopkins University Press: 191–223. doi:10.1353/earl.0.0320. S2CID 143665912.
- Salzman, Michele Renee. "Rethinking Pagan-Christian Violence". In Drake (2006), pp. 265–286.
- Salzman, Michele Renee (2002). The Making of a Christian Aristocracy: Social and Religious Change in the Western Roman Empire. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-00641-6.
- Salzman, Michele Renee; Sághy, Marianne; Testa, Rita Lizzi, eds. (2016). Pagans and Christians in late antique Rome : conflict, competition, and coexistence in the fourth century. New York, NY. ISBN 978-1-107-11030-4.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Schwartz, Seth (2005). "Chapter 8: Roman Historians and the Rise of Christianity: The School of Edward Gibbon". In Harris, William Vernon (ed.). The Spread of Christianity in the First Four Centuries: Essays in Explanation. BRILL. ISBN 978-90-04-14717-1.
- Scourfield, J. H. D. (2007). Texts and Culture in Late Antiquity: Inheritance, Authority, and Change. ISD LLC. ISBN 978-1-910589-45-8.
- Sáry, Pál (2019). "Remarks on the Edict of Thessalonica of 380". In Vojtech Vladár (ed.). Perpauca Terrena Blande Honori dedicata pocta Petrovi Blahovi K Nedožitým 80. Narodeninám. Trnavská univerzity. p. 67-80. ISBN 978-80-568-0313-4.
- Schuddeboom, Feyo L. (2017). "The Conversion of Temples in Rome". Journal of Late Antiquity. 10 (1). Johns Hopkins University Press: 166–186. doi:10.1353/jla.2017.0005.
- Southern, Patricia (2015). The Roman Empire from Severus to Constantine (second, revised ed.). Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-49694-6.
- Stern, Craig A. (1998). "Justinian: Lieutenant of Christ, Legislator for Christendom". Regent University Law Review. 11 (1). SSRN 2642313.
- Testa, Judith Anne (1998). "10, The Christian Catacombs". Rome is Love Spelled Backward (Roma Amor): Enjoying Art and Architecture in the Eternal City. Northern Illinois University Press. ISBN 9780875805764.
- Thomas, Charles (1981). Christianity in Roman Britain to AD 500 (illustrated ed.). University of California Press. ISBN 9780520043923.
- Thompson, Glen L. (2005). "Constantius II and the First Removal of the Altar of Victory". In Jean-Jacques Aubert; Zsuzsanna Varhelyi (eds.). A Tall Order: Writing the Social History of the Ancient World – Essays in honor of William V. Harris. Munich: K.G. Saur. pp. 85–106. doi:10.1515/9783110931419. ISBN 978-3-598-77828-5.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: ref duplicates default (link) - Thompson, Robert W. (1988). "Mission, Conversion, and Christianization: The Armenian Example". Harvard Ukrainian Studies. 12/13: 28–45. JSTOR 41036303.
- Thomson, Robert W. (1994). Introduction to Agathangelos. Caravan books. ISBN 0-88206-080-5.
- Trombley, Frank R., 1993–4. Hellenic Religion and Christianization, c. 370–529. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill; reprint 2014 ISBN 90-04-09691-4
- Trebilco, Paul Raymond (2017). Outsider Designations and Boundary Construction in the New Testament: Early Christian Communities and the Formation of Group Identity. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-1-108-31132-8.
- Vesteinsson, Orri, 2000. The Christianization of Iceland: Priests, Power, and Social Change 1000–1300 (Oxford:Oxford University Press) ISBN 0-19-820799-9
- Senaka Weeraratna, Repression of Buddhism in Sri Lanka by the Portuguese(1505 - 1658)]
- Van Dam, Raymond (1985). "From Paganism to Christianity at Late Antique Gaza". Viator. 16: 1–20. doi:10.1484/J.VIATOR.2.301417.
- Wiemer, Hans-Ulrich (1994). "Libanius on Constantine". The Classical Quarterly. 44 (2): 511–524. doi:10.1017/S0009838800043962. S2CID 170876695.
- Williams, Hugh (1912). Phillips, David; Thomas, John Orion (eds.). Christianity in Early Britain. Clarendon Press.
- Woods, David. "Theodosius I (379–395 A.D.)". De Imperatoribus Romanis.
- Živković, Tibor (2007). "The Golden Seal of Stroimir" (PDF). Historical Review. 55: 23–29. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2018-03-24. Retrieved 2018-03-07.
- Živković, Tibor (2013). "On the Baptism of the Serbs and Croats in the Time of Basil I (867–886)" (PDF). Studia Slavica et Balcanica Petropolitana (1): 33–53.
External links
- Jorge Quiroga and Monica R. Lovelle, "Ciudades atlánticas en transición: La "ciudad" tardo-antigua y alto-medieval en el noroeste de la Península Ibérica (s.V-XI)" from Archeologia Medievale vol xxvii (1999), pp 257–268 Christianizing Late Antique Roman sites from the 6th century onwards.
- Unilineal Descent Groups and Deep Christianization: A Cross-Cultural Comparison