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Zviad Gamsakhurdia

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Zviad Konstantines dze Gamsakhurdia (March 31, 1939 - December 31, 1993) was the first democratically elected President of the Republic of Georgia in the post-Soviet era.

Gamsakhurdia as dissident

Zviad Gamsakhurdia was born in the Georgian capital Tblisi in 1939. He was a member of an ancient, highly renowned Georgian family; his father, Konstantin, was a famous writer and Academician. He was a philologist by training and began a professional career as a translator and critic of British and American literature. In 1955 Zviad Gamsakhurdia created his first patriotic, underground organization "Gorgasliani". In 1956, he was arrested during demonstrations in Tblisi against the Soviet policy of "Russification". In 1958 Gamsakhurdia was arrested again for distributing anti-communist literature and proclamations.

He achieved prominence in 1972 during a campaign against the corruption associated with the appointment of a new Katolikos of the Georgian Orthodox Church. He was co-founded the Initiative Group for the Defence of Human Rights in 1973, became the first Georgian member of Amnesty International in 1974 and co-founded the Georgian Helsinki Group in 1976 (renamed the Georgian Helsinki Union in 1989). Gamsakhurdia was Chairman of this Human Rights organization.

Zviad Gamsakhurdia also pursued a distinguished academic career. He was a Senior Research Fellow of the Institute of Georgian Literature of the Georgian Academy of Sciences (1973-1977, 1985-1990), Associate Professor of the Tbilisi State University (1973-1975, 1985-1990) and member of the Union of Georgia's Writers (1966-1977, 1985-1991), PhD in the field of Philology (1973) and Doctor of Sciences (Full Doctor, 1991). He wrote a number of important literary works, monographs and translations.

Gamsakhurdia's dissidence was treated harshly by the government of Eduard Shevardnadze, who was then First Secretary of the Georgian Communist Party. In 1977 Gamsakhurdia and his fellow dissident Merab Kostava were sentenced to jail for eight years for "anti-Soviet activities". His imprisonment attracted international attention, leading to members of the United States Congress nominating him, unsuccessfully, for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1978. Gamsakhurdia was threatened not only with eight years of incarceration but also expulsion from the country. After consulting with Merab Kostava, Gamsakhurdia publicly "repents his crimes". His "repentance" was quickly seized upon by all "historians" and politicians who were so well trained by the KGB. In that coerced action, which took place in the KGB's offices, Zviad Gamsakhurdia only acknowledged that certain aspects of his anti-Soviet endeavors were mistaken; he did not, even as a tactical move, renounce his national-liberation struggle. More important, was the fact that thanks to his "repentance", the Georgian national-liberation movement was not deprived of both its leaders at the same time - Gamsakhurdia and Kostava. That is what his "repentance" bought (J. "Gushagi" (in Georgian and English), Paris, No: 1/31, 1994, p. 5). In June 1979 Gamsakhurdia was released. The authorities claimed that he had confessed to the charges and recanted his beliefs; a film clip was shown on Soviet television to substantiate their claim. [1] In an open letter to Shevardnadze, dated April 19, 1992, Gamsakhurdia claimed that "my so-called confession was necessitated ... [because] if there was no 'confession' and my release from the prison in 1979 would not have taken place, then there would not have been a rise of the national movement." [2]

In 1981 Gamsakhurdia was jailed again (along with other leaders) during the observance of Mtskhetoba on the grounds of Svetitskhoveli Cathedral in Mtskheta. In 1982-1987 He created a strong campaign for liberation of Merab Kostava, whose term of exile has been extended.

Gamsakhurdia remained prominent in the opposition movement after his release, continuing to campaign against the perceived Soviet threat to Georgian culture. When the Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev initiated his policy of glasnost, Gamsakhurdia played a key role in organising mass pro-independence rallies held in Georgia between 1987-1990, in which he was joined by Merab Kostava on the latter's release in 1987. The violent suppression by Soviet forces of a large peaceful demonstration held in Tbilisi in April 1989 was a key event in persuading many Georgians that Soviet rule was no longer desirable.

Democratic reforms continued with Georgia's first democratic, non-Soviet, multiparty elections held in October 28, 1990. Gamsakhurdia joined with other opposition parties to head a reformist coalition called "Round Table - Free Georgia" ("Mrgvali Magida - Tavisupali Sakartvelo"). The coalition won a convincing victory, with 64% of the vote, as compared with the Georgian Communist Party's 29.6%. On November 14, 1990, Zviad Gamsakhurdia was elected by an overwhelming majority as Chairman of the Supreme Council - the first non-Communist and non-Soviet Parliament of the Republic of Georgia.

Georgia held a referendum on restoring its pre-Soviet independence on March 31, 1991 in which 90.08% of those who voted declared in its favour. The Georgian parliament passed a declaration of independence on April 9, 1991, in effect restoring the 1918-21 Georgian state. However, it was not recognised by the Soviet Union and although a number of foreign powers granted early recogition, universal recognition did not come until the following year. Gamsakhurdia was elected President in the election of May 26 with 86.5% per cent of the vote on a turnout of over 83%.

Gamsakhurdia as President

The position of Georgia's many ethnic minorities (making up 30% of the population) was a key problem. The republic's minorities participated actively in Georgia's return to democracy but were underrepresented in the results of the October 1990 elections with only nine of 245 deputies being non-Georgians. Even before Georgia's independence, the position of national minorities was contentious and led to outbreaks of serious inter-ethnic violence in Abkhazia during 1989. Some Georgian nationalists campaigned on a slogan of "Georgia for the Georgians". At its most innocuous, this meant ending the Soviet domination and Russification of the country. Others used it to mean the abolition of the autonomous status of minority regions, and a few extremists demanded the complete expulsion of minorities. The slogan, and others like it, aroused alarm among minorities. Minority nationalists responded by demanding unification with ethnic counterparts across the Russian border or, in extremis, outright independence. [3]

In 1989, violent unrest broke out in the autonomous district of South Ossetia between Georgian population of this region and Ossetians demanding that their region be unified with North Ossetia (part of Russia). South Ossetia's government announced that the region would secede from Georgia and remain in the Russian Federation. In response, the Supreme Soviet of the Georgian SSR annulled the autonomy of South Ossetia in March, 1990. After multiparty parliamentary elections in October, 1990, Gamsakhurdia denounced the action as being part of a Russian ploy to undermine Georgia, declaring the Ossetian separatists to be "direct agents of the Kremlin, its tools and terrorists." In February, 1991, He addressed a letter to M. Gorbachev and A. Lukianov, demanding the withdrawal of the Soviet army units and an additional contigent of interior troops of the USSR from the territory of former Authonomous District of South Ossetia (English newspaper "The Georgian Independent", No:1, May 23, 1991). It is necessary to note, that this region (Georgian name - Shida Kartli) is an integral part of Georgia and Georgians are indigenous population of this district. A three-way power struggle between Georgian, Ossetian and Soviet military forces broke out in the region, which resulted (by March 1991) in the deaths of 51 people and the eviction from their homes of 25,000 more.

Gamsakhurdia's opponents were highly critical of what they regarded as "unacceptably dictatorial behaviour", which had already been the subject of criticism even before his election as President. The August 1991 coup against Soviet President Mikhail Gorbachev worsened tensions, when Gamsakhurdia took a line that his opponents interpreted as capitulation to the coup leaders. Really, On August 20, he appealed to the leaders of all countries of the world to recognize the former Soviet Republics officially declared the state independence (Russian newspaper "Svobodnaia Gruzia", August 21, 1991). On August 20 the Georgian National Guard was included in the structure of Minister of Internal Affairs of the Republic of Georgia with the status of interior troop. He issued a decree abolishing the post of commander of the Georgian National Guard only on August 23 (Newspaper "Sakartvelos Respublika", August 24, 1991). In defiance of Gamskhurdia, National Guard commander Tengiz Kitovani led most of his troops out of Tbilisi on August 24. On August 22 Gamsakhurdia congratulated Russia's President Boris Yeltsin with great victory (Newspaper "Sakartvelos Respublika", August 23, 1991).

On August 19, Prime Minister Tengiz Sigua and two other senior ministers resigned in protest against Gamsakhurdia's policies. The three ministers joined the opposition, accusing him of "being a demagogue and totalitarian and complaining about the slow pace of economic reform". Gamsakhurdia reacted angrily, claiming that forces in Moscow of conspiring against Georgia. In a rally in early September, he told his supporters: "The infernal machinery of the Kremlin will not prevent us from becoming free... Having defeated the traitors, Georgia will achieve its ultimate freedom." He closed down an opposition newspaper, "Molodiozh Gruzii" for publication of materials with open call to overthrow of legal authority. Giorgi Chanturia, whose National Democratic Party was one of the most active opposition groups at that time, was arrested and imprisoned on charges of seeking help from Moscow to overthrow the government.

The government's activities aroused controversy at home and strong criticism abroad. A visiting delegation of US Congressmen led by Representative Steny Hoyer reported that there were "severe human rights problems within the present new government, which is not willing to address them or admit them or do anything about them yet." American commentators cited the human rights issue as being one of the main reasons for Georgia's inability to secure widespread international recognition. But the Independence of the Republic of Georgia was recognized de-jure by the USA just in 1991 (on December 25). Moreover, in August-December, 1991 the Republic of Georgia was recognized by Romania, Ukraine, Turkey, Canada, Finland, Switzerland, India, Lithuania and other countries.

The political dispute turned violent on September 2, when an anti-government demonstration in Tblisi was dispersed by police. The most ominous development was the splintering of the Georgian National Guard into pro- and anti-Government factions, with the latter setting up an armed camp outside the capital. Skirmishes between the two sites occurred across Tblisi during October and November. On December 22, 1991, armed opposition supporters launched a coup d'etat and attacked a number of official buildings including the Georgian parliament building, where Gamsakhurdia himself was sheltering. Heavy fighting continued in Tblisi until January 6, 1992, leaving at least 113 people dead. On January 6, Gamsakhurdia and members of his government escaped through opposition lines and made their way to the breakaway Russian republic of Chechnya, where they were given asylum by the government of General Jokhar Dudaev.

A Military Council made up of Gamsakhurdia opponents took over the government on an interim basis. One of its first actions was to formally depose Gamsakhurdia as President. It reconstituted itself as a State Council and appointed Gamsakhurdia's old rival Eduard Shevardnadze as chairman in March 1992. The change in power was effected as a fait accompli, without any formal referendum or elections. He ruled as de facto president until the formal restoration of the presidency (which he won) in November 1995.

Gamsakhurdia in exile

After his departure from Georgia, some countries continued to recognize Gamsakhurdia as Georgia's legitimate president. Over time, however, their allegiance shifted to the better-known and more widely respected Shevardnadze. Gamsakhurdia himself refused to accept his ouster, not least because he had been elected to the post with an overwhelming majority of the popular vote (in conspicuous contrast to the undemocratically appointed Shevardnadze).

When he returned to Georgia on September 24, 1993, Gamsakhurdia set up what amounted to a "government in exile" in the western Georgian city of Zugdidi. He announced that he would continue "the peaceful struggle against an illegal military junta" and concentrated on building an anti-Shevardnadze coalition drawing on the support of the regions of Samegrelo (Mingrelia) and Abkhazia. He also built up a substantial military force that was able to operate relatively freely in the face of the weak state security forces.

Clashes between pro- and anti-Gamsakhurdia forces continued throughout 1992 and 1993. One of the most serious incidents occurred in Tblisi on June 24, 1992, when several hundred members of the pro-Gamsakhurdia National Disobedience Committee seized both the television center. The supporters of Gamsakhurdia managed to broadcast a radio message declaring that "The legitimate government has been reinstated. The red junta is nearing its end." However, they were driven out within a few hours by the National Guard. It was the provocation planed by Shevardnadze's authority. A part of supporters of Zviad Gamsakhurdia entrusted to it. After "Mkhedrioni" carried out the cruel repression.

Shevardnadze's government imposed a harshly repressive regime throughout Georgia to suppress "Zviadism". Although Georgia's poor human rights record was strongly criticised by the international community, Shevardnadze's personal prestige appears to have convinced them to swallow their doubts and grant the country formal recognition. Government troops moved into Abkhazia in September 1992 in an effort to root out Gamsakhurdia supporters (majority of Georgian population of the Autonomous Republic), but well-publicised human rights abuses succeeded only in worsening already poor ethnic tensions in the region. Later, in August-September 1993, a full-scale war broke out between Georgian forces and Abkhazian separatists. This ended in a decisive defeat for Shevardnadze's government. Georgian forces and 300,000 Georgians were driven out of Abkhazia, with an estimated 10,000 people being killed in the fighting.

Gamsakhurdia soon took up the apparent opportunity to bring down Shevardnadze. Having returned only a few days earlier, he organised a military force a few thousand strong which was largely made up of enthusiastic but poorly disciplined Georgians. He initially demanded immediate elections but quickly took advantage of the Georgian army's rout to launch a concerted attack on government forces. A civil war engulfed western Georgia in October 1993 as Gamsakhurdia's forces succeeded in capturing several key towns and transport hubs. Government forces fell back in disarray, leaving few obstacles between Gamsakhurdia's forces and Tblisi. However, Gamsakhurdia's capture of the economically vital Georgian Black Sea port of Poti threatened the interests of Russia. Russia intervened militarily to support the Georgian government, sending troops to block Gamsakhurdia's advance. By November, Gamsakhurdia's uprising had collapsed with Zugdidi falling on November 6.

On December 31, 1993, Zviad Gamsakhurdia apparently died in village Jikhashkari (Tsalenjikha district, Samegrelo, Western Georgia) in circumstances that were (and still are) very unclear. His death was announced by the Georgian government on January 5, 1994. His body was not recovered until February 15, 1994.

Zviad Gamsakhurdia's remains were eventually re-buried in the Chechen capital Grozny on February 24, 1994.

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