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Akan people

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Akan people
Total population
c. 24–25 million (est.)[N 1][1]
Languages
Central Tano languagesEnglishFrench
Religion
ChristianityIslamAkan religion
Related ethnic groups
Guang people, Ga-Adangbe, other Kwa peoples, Afro-Caribbean people mainly Afro-Jamaicans

The Akan (/ˈækæn/) people are a Kwa group living primarily in present-day Ghana and in parts of Ivory Coast and Togo in West Africa. The Akan speak languages within the Central Tano branch of the Potou–Tano subfamily of the Niger–Congo family.[2] Subgroups of the Akan people include: the Adansi, Agona, Akuapem, Akwamu, Akyem, Anyi, Asante, Baoulé, Bono, Chakosi, Fante, Kwahu, Sefwi, Wassa, Ahanta, Denkyira and Nzema, among others. The Akan subgroups all have cultural attributes in common; most notably the tracing of royal matrilineal descent in the inheritance of property, and for succession to high political office. All Akans are considered royals in status, but not all are in royal succession or hold titles.[2]

Origins and oral traditions

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Nineteenth and early twentieth-century European writers proposed distant origins for the Akan, including migrations from Egypt, the Ghana Empire, Mossiland, and the broader Sahel region. These theories have since been widely rejected by modern historians. Current archaeological research and oral traditions instead support a local and regional origin, indicating that several Akan societies were autochthonous to areas associated with ancient Kintampo settlements across the forest margins of what is now Ghana and Côte d'Ivoire.[3]

According to oral traditions, the Akan people trace their origin to the Bono state in the forest-savanna ecological belt.[4][5][6] According to Bono accounts, the Bono-Manso Kingdom—described as the first centralized Akan state—was founded by a leader named Asaman, who emerged with his people from a sacred cavern called Amowi, believed to be near modern Techiman. The Bono hold that God created them before the sky itself, and that their land was the cradle of humankind, with “Bono” signifying “original” or “first”.[7]

Many groups locate their point of origin in Adanse, which is revered as the place where creation began and where foundational political and religious institutions emerged. The Asante trace their beginnings to Asantemanso, where the matriarch Ankyewa Nyame descended with sacred regalia and clans rose from the earth.[8] Adanse was regarded as the foremost of five principal states—Adanse, Akyem, Assin, Denkyira, and Asante—collectively known as Akanman Piesie Anum.[9] Clans such as Asona, Agona, Oyoko, and Bretuo are said to have either originated from or passed through the region. Communities including Assin, Akyem, and Twifo trace their ancestral homes to the stretch between the Pra River and Kwisa range, highlighting sacred towns like Apagya and Nimiaso.[10] These traditions emphasize sacred geography, ancestral emergence, and spiritual cohesion, with the deity Bona acting as guardian of Adanse's pre-imperial unity.[11] The Akwamu identify their early capitals as Asamangkese and later Nyanaoase, located in the southern forest belt near key trade routes. As their power expanded eastward, the capital shifted multiple times—eventually crossing the Volta Gorge.

In the south and west, the Fante recount a migration from Bono-Takyiman to the coast, where they encountered earlier inhabitants such as the Etsi. Their settlement is tied to Mankessim and the rock shrine known as Nananom Pow, associated with the legendary leaders Obrumankoma, Odapagyan, and Oson.[12] The Aowin (Agni) also claim an early presence in the western forests, where their polity once dominated trade and offered refuge to displaced groups before being weakened by wars with imperial Denkyira and Asante.[13]The Sefwi people trace their origins to migrations from the Bono and Adansi areas but recount distinct movements into the western forests, often as a result of warfare and displacement during the 17th and early 18th centuries.[14]

The Nzima maintain coastal roots while preserving inland migration narratives, reflecting layers of integration with Akan-speaking neighbors while the Baoulé, located further west, trace their ancestry to early Akan royal lineages and established independent polities that retained strong cultural affinities with central Akan institutions.

History

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Prehistory and Early Settlements

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West African sites with archaeobotanical remains (3rd–1st millennium BCE), including diffusion routes of pearl millet into the savanna zones north of the Akan forest region.

The earliest cultural developments in the Akan forest zone are associated with the Kintampo Complex (c. 2000–500 BCE), which marked the transition from foraging to sedentary village life. Archaeological evidence from central Ghana reveals that early communities practiced mixed farming, kept domestic animals, and produced decorated ceramics, polished stone tools, and terracotta figurines. These settlements laid the foundation for later urbanization and state formation in regions such as Bono Manso and Begho.[15]

By the 5th century CE, forest and forest-fringe communities in areas like Amowi, Bono Manso, and Wenchi had developed long-term settlements supported by agriculture, trade, and iron production. Oral traditions from groups such as the Bono recount emergence from sacred caves like Amowi and the founding of early towns by ancestral leaders.[3]

Archaeological investigations at Asantemanso and Adansemanso have revealed continuous forest settlement from at least the 9th century CE. Large quantities of locally produced ceramics and evidence of ironworking indicate these were sizable towns supported by an agricultural base. The material record contradicts earlier assumptions that permanent settlements in the forest only emerged after 1500, showing instead that urbanization predated European contact by several centuries.[16][17] Archaeological research at sites such as Kranka Dada has confirmed continuous occupation and interaction with broader regional exchange networks. The Bono Manso region, in particular, was linked to the Niger trade routes by the 14th century and developed into a major node of commerce and spiritual life.[18]

Bonoman and the Rise of Early Akan States

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The emergence of Bonoman, with Bono Manso as its political center, marks one of the earliest identifiable phases in the development of centralized Akan states. Located in the Tain basin within the forest-savanna transition zone, Bono Manso likely began consolidating into a polity between the 11th and 13th centuries.[19] Oral traditions describe the Bono's emergence from a hole in the earth, led by the first king, Asaman, who founded Bono Manso.[20] At its height, Bono Manso was recognized as the seat of the "Dua-duakwa hene mu hene" (king of many kings), a title that emphasized its symbolic and political preeminence among early Akan communities.[21] According to historians, Bono Manso emerged as an early urban center with long-distance trade networks and specialized production, developing independently of Islamic or European political models; archaeological and oral sources confirm that its political institutions were shaped by local traditions and sacred geography prior to external contact.[22][23][24]

Sites such as Bono Manso and Begho reveal extensive material culture associated with ironworking, domestic space, and pottery traditions, suggesting communities with occupational diversity and long-term settlement.[25] At Begho, quarters were organized by function and community: Brong elites, Mande-speaking Muslim merchants, and craftspeople, including brassworkers at Dwinfuor. Finds include spindle whorls, dye pits, terracotta weights, and glass beads, reflecting textile production and participation in distant trade circuits. Iron was smelted at Dapaa, roughly four kilometers northwest.[26] Its position allowed it to facilitate long-distance trade in centers such as Jenne, Kong, and Bobo-Dioulasso.[27] These patterns reflect a decentralized model of governance in which local rulers maintained autonomy within a broader confederation, a structure that would influence later Akan formations.

Gold formed the backbone of Bono's economy, fueling internal authority and external commerce. From the 13th century onward, connections with trans-Saharan caravans intensified, as Dyula merchants exchanged brassware, cowries, textiles, and horses for gold, kola, and ivory.[28] Begho emerged as a cosmopolitan center in this network, yielding material traces such as copper and brass workshops, dyewells, imported Chinese porcelain, and Islamic gold weights.[29] By the 14th century, it rivaled Bono Manso in scale and volume of trade, with a population estimated between 7,000 and 10,000—one of the largest settlements of its time in precolonial Ghana.[30] The Akan goldfields encompassing Bono and its associated centers would later be counted among the three principal gold-producing regions in West Africa, alongside Bambuk and Bure.[31]

Cast brass weights used to measure precise amounts of gold dust. These weights, developed as early as the seventeenth century, represent Akan craftsmanship and gold-based economies.

Adansi and the Evolution of Akan Statehood

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Excavations at Adansemanso have revealed it to be the largest ancient settlement yet identified in the central forest region of Ghana, with evidence of continuous occupation from the 9th to 17th century CE. Archaeologists uncovered domestic structures, pottery, iron-smelting debris, and two rare brass gold weights, indicating early involvement in gold-based economies and iron production. The scarcity of imports and tobacco pipes suggests the site was largely abandoned before sustained European contact.[32]

The Adansi state emerged in the forest zone south of Bono and is remembered in Akan cosmogony as the place “where God began creation”.[33][3] Oral traditions and sacred geography place the origins of several Akan clans at Asantemanso and Adansemanso, which are supported by archaeological findings of settlement continuity dating back to 700 BCE.[3][16] These sites formed the nucleus of early state formation, and Adansi was considered the first among five foundational Akan polities—alongside Akyem, Assin, Denkyira, and Asante—known collectively as the Akanman Piesie Anum.[3][9]

By the 13th century, Adanse was integrated into Trans-Saharan trade networks via Wangara intermediaries, exchanging gold for Saharan goods.[34] European sources praised the purity of Adansi gold, known as "Accany sika", which was extracted from areas like Akrokerri and Dompoase under ritual supervision invoking the deity Bona.[35] Statecraft was tied to control over goldfields, tribute, and military organization; towns like Edubiase and Bodwesanwo produced weapons that supported Adansi's early independence and regional influence.[36]

Southern and Coastal Frontiers

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As centralized states like Bonoman and Adansi developed in the forest-savanna mosaic zone, groups of Akan-speaking peoples began dispersing southward into the forest and coastal belts of southern Ghana. This movement was driven by the search for fertile land, access to gold resources, and emerging political dynamics in the interior.[37] A southtward migration led to the formation of the Fante, whose oral traditions trace their origins to inland centers such as Bono-Takyiman and Adansi. After settling near Mankessim, the Fante established a confederation grounded in clan unity and sacred geography, as preserved in the Nananom Pow narrative.[12][38] By the 15th century—before Portuguese contact in 1471—Akan communities including the Fante, Asebu, Edina, Eguafo, Nzima, and Ahanta were firmly established along the coast. These groups maintained cultural, political, and genealogical ties to their interior origins while developing independent identities suited to coastal trade, diplomacy, and shifting regional alliances.[39]

As these migrations accelerated, new settlements took root in the forest zone, giving rise to gold-producing states such as Wassa, Aowin (Anyi or Agni), and Tarkwa, which preserved core Akan institutions like matrilineal inheritance and stool-based governance while adapting them to more dispersed and ecologically varied settings.[40] According to oral traditions, the Aowin state of the Aowin (Agni) people grew to become the dominant power in the southwestern forest, controlling gold sources and trade routes to Apollonia and Begho. Their territory became a refuge for groups displaced by wars and territorial conflicts.[13] As Aowin declined, incoming migrants from Bono, Adansi, and Denkyira established three autonomous but related states: Sefwi Wiawso, Sefwi Bekwai, and Sefwi Anhwiaso, which absorbed cultural influences from neighboring Akan polities.[41]

The Kingdoms of Accany: Akan Polities in Early European Trade Records

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By the late 15th century, Portuguese explorers encountered Akan-speaking merchants controlling gold routes from the forest interior to the coast.[42] Duarte Pacheco Pereira (1505–1508) listed inland traders—including the Haccanys, Boroes, Bremus, Cacres, Andese, and Souzos—who brought gold from distant lands to the coast.[43]

These names are now understood as early references to Akan groups in the PraOfinBirim basin. European records used terms like Accany or Arcania to describe this inland gold-producing region, which included Adansi, Asante, Akyem, Assin, and Denkyira.[44] A 1629 Dutch map marked three inland zones as “Akani,” confirming the area's economic centrality.[45] Accanist gold was known for its purity, often referred to as “Akan sika.”[43] Portuguese forts like São Jorge da Mina were built to secure this trade, but inland Akan polities retained control over production and supply.[46] By the mid-17th century, European firearms—especially flintlocks—had spread inland, reshaping warfare and state expansion.[47]

From the early 17th century onward, European rivals—including the Dutch, British, Danes, and Brandenburgers—intensified their presence along the coast, competing for access to the interior Akan goldfields. In return, they supplied firearms, gunpowder, and textiles, fueling military rivalries among inland states.[47] Muskets quickly became integral to state-building, and armed expansionism grew central to political survival across the region.[48]

Fragmentation and Rise of Regional Powers

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By the early 16th century, the inland Akan polity of Adansi—once a dominant power in the forest zone—was facing growing internal and external pressures. Portuguese records from 1502 mention a war between the Akan and Atis (Etsii), and by 1548 they noted a “civil war among the Akans,” indicating early political fragmentation.[43] Over the following century, European demand for gold and the introduction of firearms intensified inter-state rivalry. Akan polities began acquiring muskets through coastal trade and using enslaved captives and gold as currency for arms.[49]

By the mid-17th century, states such as Akwamu, Denkyira, Akyem, and Assin—many of which traced their origins to Adansi—had emerged as autonomous militarized powers.[48] These polities challenged Adansi's dominance by expanding territory, controlling trade routes, and asserting political independence. The resulting instability reshaped the Akani Confederation (also referred to as Accany, Akani, or Arcania in European records), which had previously linked forest Akan states through trade and shared institutions.[50]

European sources from this period began distinguishing Great Accany with Akyem, and Little Accany with the Assin states situated south of the goldfields.[50] As warfare escalated and tribute networks collapsed, the cohesion of the Akani bloc eroded. By the late 17th century, European observers noted the rise of Denkyira and Akwamu as dominant forces, using firearms and captives to consolidate power.[51] As Akwamu rose as a dominant Akan power, expanding eastward under Ansa Sasraku and capturing Accra by 1681, turning it into a tributary while collecting rents from European forts.[52] Denkyira, built on gold wealth and military conscription, imposed harsh demands on its tributaries under Ntim Gyakari, provoking widespread unrest.[53] Its overreach and imperial dominance ultimately sparked the rise of Osei Tutu and the Kwaman coalition that would challenge and overthrow Denkyira’s hegemony.[54]

The Rise of the Asante Empire, The Western Frontier and Gyaman

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By the late 17th century, the rise of Asante under Osei Tutu and Komfo Anokye reshaped the forest region. Initially a minor polity, the Kwaman coaliton expanded under Obiri Yeboah and later Osei Tutu, who returned from exile at Akwamu with political experience. With Anokye, he unified clans and consecrated the Golden Stool, symbolizing Asante nationhood.[55][23]

In 1699, Asante challenged Denkyira, whose tributaries—including Assin and Twifo—joined the revolt. Denkyira's firearm supply was cut off, and in 1701 it was defeated at the Battle of Feyiase.[56] Asante then centralized power and expanded rapidly, leveraging firearms and alliances with coastal merchants. By 1709, it was a dominant force inland.[57]As Asante power extended southwestward, it came into direct conflict with the Aowin (Agni) state, which had previously dominated the region between the Tano and Bia. In 1715, Asante forces under General Amankwatia—aided by their Wiawso allies—launched a major campaign against Aowin, resulting in the loss of Aowin's western territories and their eventual reduction to tributary status.[13] This marked a major shift in regional power dynamics, as Aowin's former refuge areas were gradually absorbed into the expanding Asante sphere.

Map of the Gold Coast c.1729.

The destruction of Bono Manso in the 1722–1723 war marked a turning point in the western forest. Internal succession disputes and the unpopular rule of Ameyaw Kwakye had already weakened Bono's authority, and Asante forces quickly overran the town, capturing its rulers and artisans, and relocating regalia and treasury assets to Kumase.[58] Many Bono fled to Techiman, while others migrated westward regrouping in nearby settlements Gyaman, Abease, and the Banda area.[59] This displacement helped form the Gyaman state, whose rulers were remembered in oral tradition as “sons of Bono kings.”[59] As Bono refugees and military auxiliaries moved across the frontier, they brought Akan political institutions with them. This contributed to the development of Gyaman, and further west, the emergence of the Baoule and other splinter groups seeking refuge from Asante expansion.[60]

Akan Peoples in the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade

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Many people across the Americas trace their ancestry to Akan-speaking populations due to the trans-Atlantic slave trade. Between the 17th and 19th centuries, a significant proportion of enslaved Africans shipped from the Gold Coast—estimated at 10% of all embarkations from West Africa—were of Akan origin.[61] Although gold remained central to the Akan economy, the intensification of internal conflicts—especially among the Fante and Ashanti during the 18th century—led to the capture and external sale of war captives, many of whom were exported through coastal ports such as Anomabo and Cape Coast.[49]

Akan captives, often labeled as “Coromantee” in British colonies, gained a reputation for resistance and military discipline. Many were former soldiers from warring states like Akwamu or Ashanti, and their skills were transferred to plantation and maroon communities. They played central roles in uprisings across the Americas, including the 1733 Akwamu-led revolt on St. John, the 1760 Tacky's Rebellion in Jamaica, and the 1763 Berbice uprising in Guyana led by Coffy, a Coromantee war captain.[62] Some Coromantee, such as Chief Takyi in Jamaica, were former warlords turned rebels who attempted to recreate Akan-style governance during these revolts.[63]

The legacy of Akan resistance survives in the cultural identity of groups such as the Maroons of Jamaica and Suriname, whose languages, rituals, and military structures retain echoes of Akan influence. In several colonies, colonial authorities even feared large concentrations of Coromantee slaves, associating them with rebellion and political organization.[64]

The Apex of the Asante Empire and the Fante Confederacy

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With the fall of major inland polities such as Denkyira, Bono Manso, and Akwamu, the Asante Empire emerged as the dominant military and commercial power in the forest zone by the early 18th century. From its capital at Kumasi, Asante controlled trade routes extending from the savanna hinterlands in the north to the Atlantic coast, extracting tribute and asserting influence over formerly independent states. Its political institutions—centered on the Asantehene, Asanteman Council, and the Golden Stool—enabled integration across a diverse and expanding empire.[65][47]

Asante's control over goldfields and strategic corridors put it in direct competition with coastal states like the Fante Confederacy. In response to rising Asante power and European trade pressures, the Fante reorganized in the mid-18th century into a defensive coalition of city-states led from Mankessim.[66] While culturally Akan, the Fante developed a distinct political identity shaped by diplomacy with European powers and rivalry with Asante. By the 1760s, the Fante Confederacy had become a key player along the coast, defending its territory through alliances with the British and resisting inland incursions.[67]

Anglo–Asante Wars, Colonization and the Partition of the Akan World

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Throughout the 19th century, repeated clashes between the Asante Empire and the British Empire reshaped the Akan political landscape. Early diplomatic efforts—such as treaties by Thomas Bowdich (1817) and William Dupuis (1820)—failed to prevent hostilities. The Anglo–Ashanti wars erupted in cycles: the 1824 battle at Nsamankow, the 1826 defeat at Katamanso, and the 1874 British invasion of Kumasi, which led to the looting of the palace and destruction of regalia.

Although weakened, Asante remained autonomous until 1900, when a final confrontation over British demands for the Golden Stool triggered the War of the Golden Stool. Led by Yaa Asantewaa, Queen Mother of Ejisu, Asante resistance culminated in the siege of Kumasi, the exile of Asantehene Prempeh I, and Asante's formal incorporation into the British colony by 1901.

Meanwhile, Gyaman engaged with French expansion in the western Sudan. In 1888, the Gyamanhene signed a protection treaty with France to resist Asante and British encroachment. France failed to assert control, and in 1895, Samori Touré launched a devastating campaign that destabilized the region.[68][69] After the French expelled Samori in 1897, Gyaman was partitioned: the western zone, including Bonduku, was annexed into French West Africa, while the eastern section, centered on Sampa, became part of the British Protectorate.[70][69][71]

On the coast, polities such as the Fante Confederacy, Elmina, Asebu, and Anomabo were gradually brought under indirect British rule through treaties and trade. By the early 20th century, nearly all Akan territories had been absorbed into the colonial framework of the British Gold Coast and the French Colonial Empire. In central Côte d’Ivoire, the Baoulé also resisted colonial occupation. In 1906, Governor Gabriel Angoulvant launched a military campaign to forcibly subdue Baoulé chiefdoms, marking one of the last major uprisings against French rule in the region.[72][73]

Independence and Legacy of Akan Political Heritage

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On 6 March 1957, under the leadership of Kwame Nkrumah and the Convention People's Party, the Gold Coast became the first sub-Saharan African colony to achieve independence from European colonial rule. The new nation was renamed Ghana, symbolically connecting modern statehood to the region's historic legacy of powerful African empires.

The territory united the Gold Coast colony with British Togoland, as well as the Northern and Upper regions, forming a multiethnic state that nonetheless drew heavily on the political and symbolic legacy of Akan institutions—including chieftaincy systems, council governance, and traditions of resistance.

Across the border, neighboring Ivory Coast gained independence from France in 1960 under the leadership of Félix Houphouët-Boigny, a prominent Baoulé figure who had served as a French parliamentarian. As president, Houphouët-Boigny oversaw the establishment of a centralized state that integrated traditional Akan political culture with republican governance. The Democratic Party of Côte d'Ivoire (PDCI), which he founded, remained the dominant political force for decades, and its core support was drawn from Akan-speaking populations in the forest zone.[74]

Like Ghana, Ivory Coast is home to a significant Akan population—estimated at nearly 40% of the national total—including groups such as the Baule, Agni (Anyi), and Nzima.[75] Many Akan-descended communities retained customary authority structures alongside colonial and postcolonial institutions. In 1969, the Sanwi kingdom of Krinjabo, claiming descent from Agni royalty, famously attempted to secede from Ivory Coast and restore monarchical rule.[72] Though unsuccessful, the attempt underscored the enduring cultural relevance of Akan identity, kingship, and historical memory in the modern Ivorian state.

Akan politics

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The Akans consider themselves one nation. Akan means first, foremost, indicating the enlightened and civilized. While traditionally matrilineal, they are also united philosophically through 12 patrilineal spirit groups called the Ntoro. Within the Akan nation are branches based on many dialects, widest and possibly the oldest one being used is Twi as well as Fante. Each branch subsequently holds a collection of states and stemming from city-states. The state or Ɔman are typically ruled by several kings known as Amanhene(Ɔmanhene, singular) or Ahemfo(Ɔhene, singular. The state is the basic unit of Akan polity. Several states and city-states can band together to form a confederacy or an empire regardless of clan or abusua they belong to, while those outsides of the Akan people or the abusua were usually conquered or annexed via war or mutual agreement. For example, the Guan state of Larteh and the Akyem state of Akropong joined to form the Akwapim Kingdom to avoid the Akwamu, who the Guan deemed as oppressive. Under the State there are Divisions and under these Divisions are towns and villages. The Fantes also upon migrating from the interior Takyiman conquered other Guan tribes including Efutu and Ewutu and merged them into Mfantseman[76]

Akan kings are ranked according to their jurisdiction. The head of an inter-clan Confederacy is usually considered a King, as in the Kings of Ashanti, Fante, Akyem and the Akwapim. Under these are the heads of the constituent states who equates an Emperor that only heads an Empire (e.g., Asante Empire and the Denkyira). In Asante's case, as an Empire, the Asantehene reigned over the non-Oyoko clan city-states and ruled over the kings of those states as an Imperial head or Emperor (a hardly used but an equivalent term for Emperor or the king of kings). Next there are divisional Chiefs, they are primarily arranged according to the five divisions of an Akan army. The Fante army or Asafo formation resembles a cross or an airplane. The Fante battle formations eventually had some European influences and many Asafo Frankaa (battle flags) incorporated the British Union Jack after 1844 when they allied with them. The battle formation has the Frontline, the West Flank, an East Flank, the main body and the Vanguard. There are, therefore, five divisional chiefs in each Paramountcy. These are followed in rank by the Kings of the city and then the Kings of the town and then king of the suburbs.[76]

The Akan peoples mostly have seven Abusua (Matrilineal clans/tribes) in each state. They do not have the same names in each state but each has an equivalent clan (e.g. in Fante areas along the coast, the Asante clan of Oyoko is referred to as Dehyena or Yokofo). The clans are assigned States which they rule by their status as founders of that jurisdiction. The Ashanti Kingdom is ruled by the Oyoko Clan. However, the Bretuo or Twidanfo (in Fante), as well as other clans, rule States, Divisions, Towns, and Villages within the Kingdom. The Fante-speaking peoples usually have the Asona Clan ruling most of their States (like Mankessim). Certain sub-clans or lineages have exclusive rights to some stools within Akanland such as the lineage of Afia Kobi in the Oyoko Clan who alone sits on the Golden Stool of Asante.[76]

The Akans are traditionally a Matrilineal people of the African continent. Matrilineal inheritance makes it easier to trace the line of succession. Within each lineage or House are the branches. The chief of a family is called an Abusuapanyin (or family-elder). Ranking above a family chief (a family's Abusuapanyin) is the clan's chief (or clan's Abusuapanyin). These branches are called Jaase/Gyaase or Kitchens. Each Kitchen takes its turn to present a candidate for the stool to the kingmakers of the lineage. Once accepted their candidate rules till death. This means until all the Jaase have presented their candidates they have to wait their turn.[76]

Akan Kings of whatever rank have other nobleman who serve them as sub-chiefs. These sub-chiefs do not have hereditary titles and therefore do not have black stools. Besides, each King has a female co-ruler known as the Queen-mother. The Queen-mother is more like a figurehead representing the King's or Emperor's eldest sister and hence the mother of the next King or Emperor, she could rule as a King if she wishes (e.g. queen-mothers mainly from the House of Asona clan: Nana Abena Boaa who ruled Offinso 1610–1640, Nana Afia Dokuaa who ruled Akyem Abuakwa 1817–1835, and Nana Yaa Asantewaa who ruled Edweso 1896–1900) as well as Komfo Muna who ruled Mankessim 1830–1872. They present the candidate for consideration as King. An assistant king does not have a Queen-mother as his title is not hereditary.[76]

A Prince or Daakyehen(Fante)(lit Future-king) is any of the members of the lineage eligible to sit on a stool. However, not all royals are Princes as some may be ineligible. A prince is not necessarily the son of a King but rather the former King's nephew on the mother's side. As such, royals strive to achieve the position of a prince in their families or for their children. All Akan clans are considered royal in the context of their matrilineal society. Each clan, known as abusua, plays a significant role in inheritance, succession, and the selection of chiefs. The eight main Akan clans—Oyoko, Bretuo, Agona, Asona, Asenie, Aduana, Ekuona, and Asakyiri—are integral to the governance of their respective communities. Members of these clans are viewed as royals, as chiefs are traditionally chosen from them, reinforcing their royal status within Akan culture.[76]

A sub-chief does not, however, need to be a nobleman. He only has to be suitable for the position he is to occupy. Some sub-chieftaincy positions can be abolished at will. They include the heads of the ruling house or Mankrado, the Linquist, the Chief Kingmaker or Jaasehen/Gyaasehen, the Supi (Fante) or General of the Army, the Captains of the Army or Asafohen(Fante) among others. The way Akans ruled their nation fascinated the tribes and peoples of other West African nations and as the Akans conquered or formed alliances with these nations, parts of it were transmitted to them. The British particularly felt the Akan system was highly efficient and tried to establish it throughout their dominions in West Africa using the Indirect Rule System. The Ewes and the Ga-Adangmes with their close affinity to the Akans have modified certain aspects of it to fit their societies.[76]

In Ghana and other modern states where the Akan people are located, the Kings, Assistant Kings, Princes, and Noblemen of the Akans serve mostly a symbolic role. Modern politics has side-lined them in national politics although it is common to find that an elected or appointed official to be of Akan royalty. And, especially in the villages and poor areas, traditional Kings are still very important for organizing development, social services and keeping the peace. Some Kings have decided to push ahead with the leadership of their Kingdoms and States in a non-political fashion. The Asantehen and okyehen have emphasized Education and Environmental Sustainability respectively. Others push the national government and its agents to fulfill promises to their people.[76]

In modern Ghana, a quasi-legislative/judicial body known as the House of "Chiefs"(a colonial term to belittle African Kings because of the racist belief to not equate an African King with a European King in rank)[citation needed] has been established to oversee "chieftaincy" and the Government of Ghana as the British Government once did certifies the Chiefs and gazettes them. Several Akan Kings sit at the various levels of the National House of "Chiefs". Each Paramountcy has a Traditional Council, then there is the Regional House of "Chiefs" and lastly the National House of "Chiefs". Akan Kings who once warred with each other and Kings of other nations within Ghana now sit with them to build peace and advocate development for their nations.[76] The identity of an Akan nation or meta-ethnicity is expressed by the term Akanman. The Akan word ɔman (plural Aman) which forms the second element in this expression has a meaning much of "community, town, nation, state". (A)man has been translated as "Akanland".[77]

Akan language

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Akan refers to the language of the Akan ethnolinguistic group and the Akan language which was and is the most widely spoken and used indigenous language in the Akan peoples in Ghana. Each ethnic group having its own dialect[78][79] Akan is officially recognized for literacy in the Akan-majority regions, at the primary and elementary educational stage (Primary 1–3) K–12 (education) level, and studied at university as a bachelor's degree or master's degree program.[78][79] The Akan language is spoken as the predominant language in the Western, Central, Ashanti, Eastern, Brong Ahafo regions of the akan clan.[78][79] A language with some Akan influence called Ndyuka is also spoken in South America (Suriname and French Guiana), with the Akan language coming to these South American and Caribbean places through the trans-Atlantic slave trade and Akan names and folktales are still used in these South American and Caribbean countries (another example can be seen in the Maroons of Jamaica and their influence with Akan culture and loanwords specifically from the Fante dialect of the Central Region of Ghana) in the language of Jamaican Maroon Creole or Kromanti.[78][79] With the present state of technology, one can listen to live radio broadcasts in Akan from numerous radio stations and receive mass media and public broadcasts in Akan from numerous multimedia and media broadcasting.[78][79] Akan is studied in major universities in North America and the United States, including Ohio University, Ohio State University, University of Wisconsin–Madison, Harvard University, Boston University, Indiana University, University of Michigan, and the University of Florida.[78][79] The Akan language has been a regular language of study in the annual Summer Cooperative African Languages Institute (SCALI) program and the Akan language is regulated and administered by the Akan Orthography Committee (AOC).[78][79] Some of Akan's language characteristic features include tone, vowel harmony, and nasalization.[78][79]

Culture

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17th Century Akan Terracotta (Metropolitan Museum of Art)

Akan culture is one of the traditional matrilineal cultures of Africa.[80] Akan art is wide-ranging and renowned, especially for the tradition of crafting bronze gold weights, using the lost-wax casting method. The Akan culture reached South America, the Caribbean, and North America.[81]

Some of their most important mythological stories are called anansesem, literally meaning "the spider story", but in a figurative sense also meaning "traveler's tales". These "spider stories" are sometimes also referred to as nyankomsem: "words of a sky god". The stories generally, but not always, revolve around Kwaku Ananse, a trickster spirit, often depicted as a spider, human, or a combination thereof.[82]

Elements of Akan culture also include, but are not limited to:[83][84][85][86][87]

Beliefs

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Concepts of Akan philosophy and inheritance

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These are the basic concepts of Akan philosophy and inheritance:

  • Abusua (mogya) – What an Akan inherits from his mother
  • Ntoro – What an Akan gets from his father, but one does not belong to a Ntoro; instead one belongs to one's Abusua
  • Sunsum – What an Akan develops from interaction with the world
  • Kra – What an Akan gets from Nyame (God)[88]

Matrilineality

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Many but not all of the Akan still[89] practice their traditional matrilineal customs, living in their traditional extended family households. The traditional Akan economic and political organization is based on matrilineal lineages, which are the basis of inheritance and succession. A lineage is defined as all those related by matrilineal descent from a particular ancestress. Several lineages are grouped into a political unit headed by a council of elders, each of whom is the elected head of a lineage – which itself may include multiple extended-family households.

Public offices are, thus, vested in the lineage, as are land tenure and other lineage property. In other words, lineage property is inherited only by matrilineal kin.[89][90] Each lineage controls the lineage land farmed by its members, functions together in the veneration of its ancestors, supervises marriages of its members, and settles internal disputes among its members.[91]

The political units above are likewise grouped (into traditionally seven) but as of today, eight larger groups called abusua: Aduana, Agona, Asakyiri, Asenie, Asona, Bretuo, Ekuona, and Oyoko. The members of each such abusua are united by their belief that they are all descended from the same ancient ancestress – so marriage between members of the same group (or abusua) is forbidden, a taboo on marriage. One inherits or is a lifelong member of, the lineage, the political unit and the abusua of one's mother, regardless of one's gender or marriage. Members and their spouses thus belong to different abusuas, with mother and children living and working in one household, and their husband/father living and working in a different household.[89][90]

According to one source[92] of information about the Akan, "A man is strongly related to his mother's brother (wɔfa) but only weakly related to his father's brother. This is perhaps viewed in the context of a polygamous society in which the mother/child bond is likely to be much stronger than the father/child bond. As a result, in inheritance, a man's nephew (his sister's son) (wɔfase) will have priority over his own son. Uncle-nephew relationships, therefore, assume a dominant position."[92]

"The principles governing inheritance, generation, and age – that is to say, men come before women and seniors before juniors." [...] When a woman's brothers are available, a consideration of generational seniority stipulates that the line of brothers be exhausted before the right to inherit lineage property passes down to the next senior genealogical generation of sisters' sons. Finally, "it is when all possible male heirs have been exhausted that the females" may inherit.[92]

Certain other aspects of the Akan culture are determined patrilineally rather than matrilineally. There are ancestrally 12 patrilineal Ntoro (spirit) groups, and everyone belongs to his or her father's Ntoro group, but not to his family lineage and abusua. Each Ntoro group has its own surnames,[93] taboos, ritual purifications, and forms of etiquette.[90] A person thus inherits one's Ntoro from one's father but does not belong to his family.

A recent (2001) book[89] provides an update on the Akan, stating that some families are changing from the above abusua structure to the nuclear family.[94] Housing, childcare, education, daily work, and elder care, etc. are then handled by that individual family, rather than by the abusua or clan, especially in the city.[95] The above taboo on marriage within one's abusua is sometimes ignored, but "clan membership" is still important,[94] with many people still living in the abusua framework presented above.[89]

Notable individuals of Akan origin

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See also

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Notes

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  1. ^ CIA World Factbook population total suggests roughly 20 million.

Sources

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  • Agyemang, Joseph Kwadwo; Ofosu-Mensah, Ababio Emmanuel; Gyamerah, Ebenezer Yaw (June 2013). "The Impact of Colonial Rule on the Gyaman State". History Research. 3 (6): 389–405. Retrieved 15 May 2025.
  • Anquandah, James (2013). "The People of Ghana: Their Origins and Cultures". Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana (15): 1–25. ISSN 0855-3246. Retrieved 23 April 2025.
  • Arhin, Kwame (1979). A Profile of Brong Kyempim: Essays on the Archaeology, History, Language and Politics of the Brong Peoples of Ghana. Accra: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana. Retrieved 25 April 2025.
  • Boaten, Kwasi (1971). "The Asante Before 1700". Institute of African Studies Research Review. 8 (1): 50–65. Retrieved 25 April 2025.
  • Handloff, Robert E., ed. (1991). Côte d'Ivoire: A Country Study (3rd ed.). Washington, D.C.: Federal Research Division, Library of Congress. pp. xxxii+262. Retrieved 19 May 2025.
  • Pereira, Duarte Pacheco (1937). Esmeraldo de Situ Orbis. Translated by Kimble, George H. T. London: Hakluyt Society.

References

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  1. ^ ""Cote d'Ivoire", CIA – The World Factbook". Cia.gov. 3 August 2022. "Akan 42.1%" of a population of 22.0 million. ""Ghana", CIA – The World Factbook". Cia.gov. Retrieved 24 August 2012. "Akan 45.3%" of a population of 24.6 million.
  2. ^ a b Languages of the Akan Area: Papers in Western Kwa Linguistics and on the Linguistic Geography of the Area of Ancient. Isaac K. Chinebuah, H. Max J. Trutenau, Linguistic Circle of Accra, Basler Afrika Bibliographien, 1976, pp. 168.
  3. ^ a b c d e Konadu & Campbell 2016, p. 34.
  4. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 34.
  5. ^ Konadu and Campbell 2016, p. 33.
  6. ^ Buah 1998, p. 9.
  7. ^ Warren 1975, pp. 2–4.
  8. ^ Konadu & Campbell 2016, p. 33.
  9. ^ a b Anquandah 2013, p. 9.
  10. ^ Konadu & Campbell 2016, pp. 70–71.
  11. ^ Konadu & Campbell 2016, p. 70.
  12. ^ a b Warren 1975, p. 4.
  13. ^ a b c Daaku 1973, pp. 33–34.
  14. ^ Daaku 1973, p. 32.
  15. ^ Anquandah 2013, pp. 6–8.
  16. ^ a b Shinnie and Shinnie 1995, p. 12.
  17. ^ Shinnie 2003, p. 12.
  18. ^ Compton 2017, pp. 1–2.
  19. ^ Arhin 1979, p. 49.
  20. ^ Warren 1975, p. 2.
  21. ^ Arhin 1979, p. 54.
  22. ^ Compton 2017, p. 1.
  23. ^ a b Konadu 2010, p. 36.
  24. ^ Compton 2017, p. 2.
  25. ^ Kumah 2024, pp. 168–170.
  26. ^ Posnansky 2015, pp. 95–96.
  27. ^ Kumah 2024, pp. 167–168.
  28. ^ Kumah 2024, pp. 170–171.
  29. ^ Kumah 2024, pp. 182–183.
  30. ^ Kumah 2024, p. 181.
  31. ^ Levtzion 1973, p. 155.
  32. ^ Shinnie 2005, pp. 25–42.
  33. ^ Ofosu-Mensah 2010, p. 126.
  34. ^ Ofosu-Mensah 2010, p. 128.
  35. ^ Ofosu-Mensah 2010, pp. 129–132.
  36. ^ Shinnie 2005, p. 11.
  37. ^ Konadu 2010, pp. 27–29.
  38. ^ Anquandah 2013, pp. 8–9.
  39. ^ Konadu 2010, pp. 28–29.
  40. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 28.
  41. ^ Daaku 1973, pp. 32–34.
  42. ^ Konadu 2022, p. xxxii.
  43. ^ a b c Boahen 1973, p. 105.
  44. ^ Boahen 1973, pp. 106–107.
  45. ^ Boahen 1973, p. 106.
  46. ^ Konadu 2022, pp. xxxv–xxxvii.
  47. ^ a b c Konadu 2010, pp. 36–39.
  48. ^ a b Daaku 1970, pp. 59–61.
  49. ^ a b Konadu 2010, pp. 36–38.
  50. ^ a b Boahen 1973, pp. 106–108.
  51. ^ Daaku 1970, pp. 123–124.
  52. ^ Wilks 1957, pp. 26–45.
  53. ^ McCaskie 2007, pp. 2–9.
  54. ^ McCaskie 2007, pp. 2–4.
  55. ^ Daaku 1970, pp. 162–163.
  56. ^ Daaku 1970, pp. 163–164.
  57. ^ Daaku 1970, p. 180.
  58. ^ Effah-Gyamfi 1975, pp. 226–227.
  59. ^ a b Effah-Gyamfi 1974, p. 222.
  60. ^ Stahl 2001, p. 156.
  61. ^ Konadu 2010, p. 4.
  62. ^ Konadu 2010, pp. 193–195.
  63. ^ Konadu 2010, pp. 191–193.
  64. ^ Konadu 2010, pp. 185–187.
  65. ^ Wilks 1975, pp. 148–150.
  66. ^ Shumway 2011, pp. 42–45.
  67. ^ Shumway 2011, p. 47.
  68. ^ Agyemang et al. 2013, p. 394.
  69. ^ a b Terray 1982, p. 254.
  70. ^ Arhin 1979, p. 14.
  71. ^ Agyemang et al. 2013, p. 395.
  72. ^ a b Handloff 1988, p. 6.
  73. ^ Handloff 1988, p. 11.
  74. ^ Handloff 1988, pp. 27, 31.
  75. ^ Konadu & Campbell 2016, p. 295.
  76. ^ a b c d e f g h i "Amamere". asanteman.org. Retrieved 29 September 2016.
  77. ^ Transactions of the Historical Society of Ghana. The Society. 2003. p. 28.
  78. ^ a b c d e f g h Guerini, Federica (2006). Language The Alternation Strategies in Multilingual Settings. Peter Lang. p. 100. ISBN 0-82048-369-9.
  79. ^ a b c d e f g h "Akan (Twi) – Akan language". amesall.rutgers.edu.
  80. ^ Ghana: The Bradt Travel Guide, Philip Briggs, Katherine Rushton Bradt Travel Guides, 2007, 416 pp.
  81. ^ "Man Ray, African art, and the modernist lens", Wendy Grossman, Martha Ann Bari, Letty Bonnell, International Arts & Artists, 2009 – Photography, 183 pp.
  82. ^ A Treasury of African Folklore: the oral literature, traditions, myths, legends, epics, tales, recollections, wisdom, sayings, and humour of Africa, Crown Publishers, 1975, 617 pp.
  83. ^ Facets of Ghanaian culture African Studies, Jerry Bedu-Addo, 1989. 68 pp.
  84. ^ Akan Weights and the Gold Trade, Longman, 1980. 393 pp.
  85. ^ Sankofa: African thought and education, P. Lang, 1995, 236 pp.
  86. ^ Simultaneity in signed languages: form and function, John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2007, 355 pp.
  87. ^ The Rough Guide to West Africa, Penguin, 2008, 1360 pp.
  88. ^ L'homme, Volume 7 École pratique des Hautes études (France). Section des sciences économiques et Sociales École pratique des Hautes études, Section des sciences économiques et Sociales, 1967
  89. ^ a b c d e de Witte, Marleen (2001). Long Live the Dead!: changing funeral celebrations in Asante, Ghana. Published by Het Spinhuis. ISBN 90-5260-003-1.
  90. ^ a b c Busia, Kofi Abrefa (1970). Encyclopædia Britannica, 1970. William Benton, publisher, The University of Chicago. ISBN 0-85229-135-3, Vol. 1, p. 477. (This Akan article was written by Kofi Abrefa Busia, formerly professor of Sociology and Culture of Africa at the University of Leiden, Netherlands.)
  91. ^ Owusu-Ansah, David (Nov1994) "Ghana: The Akan Group". This source, "Ghana", is one of the Country Studies available from the US Library of Congress. Archived on the Wayback Machine https://web.archive.org/web/20080917084220/http://lcweb2.loc.gov/cgi-bin/query/r?frd/cstdy:@field%28DOCID+gh0048%29
  92. ^ a b c "Ashanti". Ashanti.com.au. Archived from the original on 16 February 2011. Retrieved 31 July 2020.
  93. ^ de Witte (2001), p. 55 shows such surnames in a family tree, which provides a useful example of names.
  94. ^ a b de Witte (2001), p. 53.
  95. ^ de Witte (2001), p. 73.
  96. ^ J. A. Mangan, The Cultural bond: sport, empire, society

Further reading

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  • Antubam, Kofi. Ghana's Heritage of Culture. Leipzig, 1963.
  • Bartle, Philip F. W. (1978). "Forty Days; The Akan Calendar". Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 48 (1): 80–84. Edinburgh University Press.
  • Effah-Gyamfi, Kwaku (1979). Traditional History of the Bono State. Legon: Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana.
  • Effah-Gyamfi, Kwaku (1985). Bono Manso: An Archaeological Investigation into Early Akan Urbanism. African Occasional Papers, no. 2. Calgary: Dept. of Archaeology, University of Calgary Press. ISBN 0-919813-27-5
  • Kyerematen, A. A. Y. Panoply of Ghana. London, 1964.
  • Meyerowitz, Eva L. R. (c. 1950). Akan Traditions of Origin. London.
  • Meyerowitz, Eva L. R. (1962). At the Court of an African King. London.
  • Meyerowitz, Eva L. R. (1949). "Bono-Mansu, the Earliest Centre of Civilisation in the Gold Coast". In: Proceedings of the III International West African Conference, pp. 118–120.
  • Obeng, Ernest E. Ancient Ashanti Chieftaincy. Tema (Ghana), 1986.
  • Shumway, Rebecca (2011). The Fante and the Transatlantic Slave Trade. Rochester: University of Rochester Press. ISBN 9781580463911
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