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Ultra-realism is a school of thought within the discipline of criminology and the sub-discipline of zemiology. Ultra-realists revisit the fundamental question that underpins both disciplines - why, rather than seek solidarity and cooperation, do specific individuals, groups or institutions choose to risk harm to others as they pursue their own interests?[1]

Early proponents of the ultra-realist perspective are Steve Hall and Simon Winlow. The original ultra-realist concepts first emerged from the mid-1990s onwards in a series of articles and books. The ultra-realist theoretical framework and research-programme began to take a clearly defined shape in three later works.[2][3][4]

Ultra-realism's theoretical framework

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The need for revision

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Ultra-realism is a new school of thought in western social science.[5][6][7] Ultra-realists focus on the western way of life and its zemiological outcomes.[8][9] Ultra-realism is a revisionist position constructed for the purposes of revisiting the research findings and fundamental domain assumptions of existing schools of thought to evaluate their validity and, where necessary, suggest further investigation using ethnographic research methods and advanced concepts.

Basic components of the framework

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Ultra-realism's initial empirical focus is on broad crime trends[10] that show discernable shifts over time in various locales, regions and nations. Drawing upon the work of criminologists such as Robert K. Merton, Jock Young and Robert Reiner, they connect these trends to shifts in political economy, culture and subjectivity, investigating their forms and dynamic relations, which together create probabilistic contexts at the local, regional and national levels.

Early preparatory work undertaken before the establishment of the ultra-realist moniker in 2015 drew evidence from the New Deal period in the US, which between 1933 and 1937 correlated with a significant reduction of crime, violence and homicide.[11] This contrasts with the crime explosions in the US and UK during the deindustrialization process of the 1980s.[12] Ultra-realists analysed the decline in traditional crime from the mid-1990s in the context of advances in detection technology and surveillance and increased incarceration rates.[13] They also researched the mutation of criminal markets, a process in which traditional crimes declined as detection and surveillance advanced while criminal markets expanded silently in the background[14] and new forms of minimally reported and recorded crime appeared,[15][16][17][18] much of it online.[19]

Winlow's sociological work on the displacement of traditional working-class identities and cultural pursuits by those promoted by mass-mediated consumer culture indicated that changes were taking place.[20] His research on the drift into criminality added empirical and theoretical weight to Hall's claim that the cultural context of criminality is the combined pacification and intensification of a competitive-individualist norm.[21][22] Further research added detail to the historical intensification of the practices around this norm and explained how an associated subjectivity was normalised and pacified, leading to the emergence of foundational ultra-realist concepts such as the pseudo-pacification process, objectless anxiety and special liberty.[3] Further ethnographic and theoretical work associated these socioeconomic, cultural and subjective shifts with corresponding changes in crime trends and the expansion of criminal markets.[2][23]

The construction of a theoretical framework for a renewed realist analysis of trends in crime and harm led to the establishment of the ultra-realist project in 2015.[24] Ultra-realists agreed with the left realist and early feminist position that critical criminology must take crime, harm and victims more seriously.[25] They borrowed selected concepts from other realist schools of thought - for instance critical realism's notions of depth structures and the causative impact of absence;[26] speculative realism's critique of correlationism and its emphasis on realist contingency and agency in the anthropecene era;[27] Mark Fisher's notion of 'capitalist realism',[28] a culture that normalises and reproduces the cynical, 'zero-sum' subject[29] frequently encountered by ultra-realist ethnographers in their research.[30][23] The ubiquity of an indifferent attitude towards risking harm to others amongst respondents involved in crime and criminal markets prompted ultra-realism's first move towards zemiology.

Ultra-realists drew upon Slavoj Žižek's notion of fetishistic disavowal[31] to formulate their concept of the 'chosen unconscious',[24] which led to the early adoption of Adrian Johnston's transcendental materialism[32] as a basis for the ultra-realist framework. Further theoretical development was prompted by researchers' empirical findings relating to subjectivity, particularly the clear distinction between expressive and instrumental forms of special liberty.[33] The recognition of the use of criminal or harmful means of either remaining in or leaving specific situations led to the current reformulation of the ultra-realist framework,[34] drawing upon the concepts of homeostasis,[35] non-suffering, sacrifice, and existential difficulties in post-normal times.[36]

Ultra-realists replaced the Lacanian notion of 'the void' in the psyche with the fundamental 'molecular question' - to stay or go - at the root of all organisms.[37] This is a bodily demand for a primordial action-oriented metaphysics that only the affective system's[38] deep 'mood' emotions can translate and mediate. Because the molecular body understands only 'non-suffering' as its initial objective, the stay-go decision involves a calculation of sacrifice, which becomes mythologised to dramatize narratives and enhance the emotional credibility of any answers to the molecular question provided by experience, culture and ideology. The more persistent and committed criminals encountered by ultra-realist researchers throughout the social structure had accepted the cyncial belief that the 'zero-sum'[29] world is natural and timeless. The onus is on individuals to stay with it and actively compete against others but avoid sacrifice at all costs by levering themselves up the hierarchy of non-suffering by any means possible, legal or otherwise.[4]

Ultra-realists argue that criminology can make firmer contributions to the pragmatic political interventions required to stabilise economies, reduce sociosymbolic competition, transcend zero-sum subjectivity and restore ethics to the heart of economy, society, culture.[39] In an attempt to lay the foundations for a theoretical framework that encompasses these issues, ultra-realists constructed the following new concepts specifically for criminological and zemiological research:

  • The pseudo-pacification process. Hall's concept, developed since the mid-1990s in theoretical works[21][22][13][40] is an alternative to Norbert Elias's concept of the 'civilizing process'. Pseudo-pacification is a process that emerged in 12th century England in the wake of major cultural, legal and socioeconomic changes. The fundamental claim is that what is mistaken for 'civilizing' momentum is a fragile by-product of the displacement of physical violence as a normative means of ordering and disrupting social systems with rule-bound sociosymbolic competition acted out in commercial life and consumer culture.[41] The relatively early replacement of violence with pseudo-pacified competitive individualism changed trends in crime and harm,[42] accelerated urbanisation, social atomism and marketisation, increased consumer desires and helped Britain become the first fully industrialised nation.
  • Special liberty. Hall's concept of 'special liberty'[3] is a socially unstructured sense of entitlement that defies the prohibition Kant placed on justifying means by ends. It is the culmination of ethically over-inflated but fundamentally cynical motivations and justifications constructed in the minds of those who are determined to achieve personal ends, whether instrumental or expressive, and have fetishistically disavowed the likelihood that their actions will cause harm to others and their environments.[43] Special liberty operates at the boundary of the pseudo-pacification process's normative structure and threatens its stability.[44]
  • Loss, trauma and nostalgia. Winlow's work on the impact of the loss of identities during the process of rapid deindustrialization in the UK demonstrated how this existential trauma added another dimension to material, communal and social loss.[30][20] As new identities were forged in consumer culture's symbolic order,[45] many respondents were also moved by a deep nostalgia that combines cynicism with a sense of marginalisation and loss of hope.[46] Some individuals immersed themselves in criminal markets to compensate for this loss, achieve status and forge a simulated autonomous identity.[2] Others also drifted into far-right politics[47] manifested in the UK riots of 2024.[48]
  • Objectless anxiety. Hall's concept[3] denotes the psychocultural[49] end result of the operation of mass-mediated ideology in support of an existing way of life. Anxiety naturally lacks an object. By constantly ignoring, denying or reframing the real systemic causes of problems and preventing the ensuing anxiety from locating and understanding the appropriate object of fear on which people can act, the natural condition is artificially, systematically and indefinitely sustained. The concept has been deployed by criminologists researching deviant leisure,[50] drug culture[51] and policing.[52]
  • The assumption of harmlessness. Raymen's concept was the product of a search into the historical background of special liberty in an attempt to explore the cultural context that underlies Western liberal societies' understanding of harm.[53] An unwritten rule in liberal thought insists that, where there is initial doubt, an activity should be should be assumed to be sufficiently harmless to practice before anyone should suspect it might be harmful. Therefore the onus is always on those who wish to prove it is harmful. This concept is one of ultra-realism's theoretical contributions to zemiology.[54]

Methods – ethnographic networks

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Drawing upon earlier ethnographic work from Winlow,[30][45] ultra-realists argue that criminological researchers are capable of capturing the details of the drivers behind crime and criminal markets by networking and generating qualitative data from different geographical locations and sections of the population. For example, projects undertaken to examine rioting in various locations of the UK[23] and political protests around Europe[55] revealed both differences and similarities in experiences, interpretations, motivations and outcomes. Networked ethnographers working in various spaces gathered data from observations and interviews[56] to be analysed in the ultra-realist framework. .

Ultra-realist research projects

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A number of researchers have used ultra-realist concepts as they construct their research projects and analyze their findings. Ultra-realists criticize 'backwards research' and insist on 'forwards research'.[57] In the period 2015 to 2025 ultra-realism has provided a platform for research in the following areas:

Crime, deviant leisure and consumer culture[58][59][60][61][62][63][64][65][66][67][68][69][70][71]

Crime, harm and place[72][73][74][75][76][77][78]

Crime, harm, work and employment[79][80][81][82][83][84][85]

Covid, lockdown and social harm[86][87][88][89][88][90]

Riots and far-right politics[47][91][92][46]

Research Methods[93][94][95][96][97][98][99]

Violence and masculinity[100][101][102][103][15]

Crime, harm and glocal markets[19][18][17]

Policing and corruption[104][105][106]

Homicide and serial murder[107][44][108]

Crime, harm and mass media[109][110][111]

Crime, corruption and compliance[112][113][16]

History and violence[114][115]

Crime, corruption and sport[116][117]

Harm and Hate crime[118][119]

Technology, harm and crime[120]

The crime decline[14]

Child abuse[121]

Military studies[122]

Subjectivity and investment fraud[123]

Crime, harm and drugs[124]

Criminology of borders[125]

Critique and responses

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Early criticism from reviewers focused on ultra-realism's complexity, opacity[126] and lack of diversity.[127] Ultra-realists responded by arguing that students and early career researchers experience little trouble in dealing with the complexity, that the ethnographic networking method enables and highlights diversity, and that ultra-realism's theoretical concepts can be adopted by any researcher in any part of the world.[4]

Debates followed around the relative conceptual value of the civilizing process and the pseudo-pacification process. Ultra-realists regard the latter as more representative of reality while defenders of Elias's concept argue that the nuances of his thesis have been ignored or misunderstood.[128] Ultra-realists responded by pointing out that the roots of the pseudo-pacification process were in 12th-century England. It is an alternative theory rooted in a time that predates the roots of the civilizing process in 17th century Europe.[42]

Further criticisms[129] focused on ultra-realism's naturalization of violent drives, the incoherence of the connection between the pseudo-pacification process and special liberty, a tendency towards monocausality, essentialism and reductionism associated with the 'direct causality' of the economic context, the denial of human agency, and neglect of gender relations as epiphenomenal. Ultra-realists responded by pointing out that special liberty motivates and permits individuals to move beyond the legal and normative boundaries of pseudo-pacification, therefore they are integrated parts of the same process. The ultra realist concept of the 'chosen unconscious' suggests that the thesis is grounded in agency and choice.[24] The economic context is probabilistic, not directly causal, because ultra-realists use crime trends as initial indicators of the need for further investigation using ethnographic methods to investigate the complex relations between economy, culture, and individual situations.[130][4][102] Gender relations have featured centrally in ultra-realist research.[122][120]

More recent debates have discussed the possibility that ultra-realism doesn't offer anything new, its causal logic is tautological and can't be falsified, and the transcendental materialist framework is unverifiable.[131] Ultra-realists responded by arguing that concepts such as the pseudo-pacification process and special liberty are unique to ultra-realism.[4] Whereas ultra-realists agreed that they require more research to address the issue of falsification, Hall and Winlow also agreed with Lakatos's claim that Popper's notion is flawed because the falsifying premises themselves are often preferences that have evaded falsification.[132] The criticism that the transcendental materialist framework is currently unverified has been accepted. Hall and Winlow addressed this issue by integrating recent neuroscientific and neuropsychoanalytic work into their theoretical framework. This produced the concept of 'the molecular question', the combined biological, affective and metaphysical process that seems to underlie what Lacan proposed as a 'void'.[34]

Further reading

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References

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  1. ^ Kotzé, Justin; Lloyd, Anthony (2022-06-07). Making Sense of Ultra-Realism. Emerald Publishing Limited. ISBN 978-1-80117-170-0.
  2. ^ a b c Hall, Steve; Winlow, Simon; Ancrum, Craig (2013). Criminal Identities and Consumer Culture: Crime, Exclusion and the New Culture of Narcissism. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 9781843922551.
  3. ^ a b c d Hall, Steve (2012). Theorizing Crime & Deviance: A New Perspective. London: Sage. ISBN 9781848606722.
  4. ^ a b c d e Hall, Steve; Winlow, Simon (2025). Revitalizing Criminological Theory: Advances in Ultra-Realism. New Directions in Critical Criminology Series (2nd ed.). Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 9781041034933.
  5. ^ Brisman, Avi; Carrabine, Eamonn; South, Nigel, eds. (2017). The Routledge Companion to Criminological Theory and Concepts. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. pp. 401–405. ISBN 9781138819009.
  6. ^ DeKeseredy, Walter S.; Dragiewicz, Molly (2018). Routledge Handbook of Critical Criminology. Routledge international handbooks (2nd ed.). London New York: Routledge. pp. 43–56. ISBN 9781138656192.
  7. ^ Hopkins-Burke, Roger (2021). Contemporary Criminological Theory: Crime and Criminal Behaviour in the Age of Moral Uncertainty (2nd ed.). Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 9780815374473.
  8. ^ Boukli, Avi; Kotzé, Justin, eds. (2018). Zemiology: Reconnecting Crime and Social Harm. Critical Criminological Perspectives. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9783319763125.
  9. ^ Canning, Victoria; Tombs, Steve (2021). From Social Harm to Zemiology: A Critical Introduction. New directions in critical criminology. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 9781138366084.
  10. ^ "Crime trends in England and Wales and how we measure them - Office for National Statistics". www.ons.gov.uk.
  11. ^ Hall, Steve; McLean, Craig (2009). "A tale of two capitalisms: Preliminary spatial and historical comparisons of homicide rates in Western Europe and the USA". Theoretical Criminology. 13 (3): 313–339. doi:10.1177/1362480609336496. ISSN 1362-4806.
  12. ^ Reiner, Robert (2013). Law and Order: An Honest Citizen's Guide to Crime and Control. Themes for the 21st Century Series (1st ed.). Cambridge: Polity. ISBN 9780745629971.
  13. ^ a b Hall, Steve (2014). "The Socioeconomic Function of Evil". The Sociological Review. 62 (2): 13–31. doi:10.1111/1467-954X.12189. ISSN 0038-0261.
  14. ^ a b Kotzé, Justin (2019). The Myth of the Crime Decline: Exploring Change and Continuity in Crime and Harm. Routledge Studies in Crime and Society. Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge. ISBN 9780815353935.
  15. ^ a b Gibbs, Nick (2021). The Muscle Trade: The Use and Supply of Image and Performance Enhancing Drugs. Bristol: Bristol University Press. ISBN 9781529227949.
  16. ^ a b Lynes, Adam; Treadwell, James; Bavin, Kyla (2024). Crimes of the Powerful and the Contemporary Condition: The Democratic Republic of Capitalism. Bristol: Bristol University Press. ISBN 978-1-5292-2829-8.
  17. ^ a b Bural, Dilara; Lloyd, Anthony; Antonopoulos, Georgios A.; Kotzé, Justin (2023). ""Fake it to make it": exploring product counterfeiting in Türkiye". Journal of Financial Crime. 31 (6): 1451–1466. doi:10.1108/JFC-10-2023-0252. ISSN 1758-7239.
  18. ^ a b Kotzé, Justin; Antonopoulos, Giorgios A (2023). "Con Air: exploring the trade in counterfeit and unapproved aircraft parts". The British Journal of Criminology. 63 (5): 1293–1308. doi:10.1093/bjc/azac089. ISSN 0007-0955.
  19. ^ a b Hall, Alexandra; Antonopoulos, Giorgios (2016). Fake Meds Online: The Internet and the Transnational Market in Illicit Pharmaceuticals. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 9781137570888.
  20. ^ a b Winlow, Simon; Hall, Steve (2009). "Living for the weekend: Youth identities in northeast England". Ethnography. 10 (1): 91–113. doi:10.1177/1466138108099588. ISSN 1466-1381.
  21. ^ a b Hall, Steve (1997). "Visceral Cultures and Criminal Practices". Theoretical Criminology. 1 (4): 453–478. doi:10.1177/1362480697001004003. ISSN 1362-4806.
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  23. ^ a b c Treadwell, James; Briggs, Daniel; Winlow, Simon; Hall, Steve (2013). "Shopocalypse Now: Consumer Culture and the English Riots of 2011". The British Journal of Criminology. 53 (1): 1–17. doi:10.1093/bjc/azs054. ISSN 0007-0955.
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  25. ^ Mooney, Jayne (2022), "Left Realism: "Taking Crime Seriously"", Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Criminology and Criminal Justice, Oxford: Oxford University Press, doi:10.1093/acrefore/9780190264079.013.671, ISBN 9780190264079
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