Jump to content

User:WriterArtistDC/draft

From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

Motivated reasoning

[edit]

Accuracy

[edit]

Public opinion

[edit]

Seeking information from a greater variety of sources serves not only the goal of accuracy, but allow for greater understanding of how widely a belief is shared by others.[1]

Social media

[edit]

The sharing of misleading or false information on social media has become a concern in recent years for both practitioners and academics. Misinformation may affect beliefs even when it is implausible or inconsistent, the intent being to attract attention rather than inform. However, research indicated that it is possible to restore concern for accuracy by posing questions regard to the information being presented.[2]

Religion

[edit]

While there have explanations of religious beliefs in terms of psychological needs, there have been few empirical studies of any link to motivated reasoning. Two studies found a link between thinking about death and the belief in God and the afterlife.[3] A neuroscience study found a relationship between religion and a decrease in brain activity associated with distress.[4]

Bullshit

[edit]

Inspirational bullshit is defined as self-help messages based upon platitudes, as opposed to messages based upon evidenced supported by psychological research that require time and effort. In several studies, some individuals were found to be more receptive to bullshit than others.[5]

Conspiratorial epistemology dismisses any information that contradicts pre-existing beliefs as having been manufactured by a conspiracy; evidence for which is not presented. Bullshit is speech intended to achieve a goal regardless of the truth. Post-factual political discourse erodes the epistemic basis of democracy, not allowing social problems to be identified and solved, resulting in increasing polarization and tribalization.[6]

[7]

[8]

[9]

Cite error: A <ref> tag is missing the closing </ref> (see the help page).

[10]

[11]

[12]

[13]

[14]

[15]

[16]

[17]

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ Nir, Lilach (2011-09-01). "Motivated Reasoning and Public Opinion Perception". Public Opinion Quarterly. 75 (3): 504–532. doi:10.1093/poq/nfq076. ISSN 0033-362X. Retrieved 2025-04-08.
  2. ^ Pennycook, Gordon; Epstein, Ziv; Mosleh, Mohsen; Arechar, Antonio A.; Eckles, Dean; Rand, David G. (2021-03-17). "Shifting attention to accuracy can reduce misinformation online". Nature: 1–6. doi:10.1038/s41586-021-03344-2. ISSN 1476-4687. Retrieved 2021-03-23.
  3. ^ Willer, Robb (2009-03-11). "No Atheists in Foxholes: Motivated Reasoning and Religious Belief". In Jost, John T.; Kay, Aaron C.; Thorisdottir, Hulda (eds.). Social and Psychological Bases of Ideology and System Justification. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-971760-6.
  4. ^ Inzlicht, Michael; Tullett, Alexa M.; Good, Marie (2011-10-01). "The Need to Believe: A Neuroscience Account of Religion as a Motivated Process". Religion, Brain & Behavior. 1 (3): 192–212. doi:10.1080/2153599X.2011.647849. ISSN 2153-599X. Retrieved 2025-04-27.
  5. ^ Abel, Esther (2023). Inspirational Bullshit: The Good, the Bad, and the Vacuous (PhD). Waterloo, Ontario: Wilfrid Laurier University. p. 184.
  6. ^ Kovic, Marko; Caspar, Christian; Rauchfleisch, Adrian (2019-01-11), Motivated cognition, conspiratorial epistemology, and bullshit: A model of post-factual political discourse, OSF, doi:10.31235/osf.io/bnv2m, retrieved 2025-04-25
  7. ^ Petrocelli, John V. (2021). "Bullshitting and persuasion: The persuasiveness of a disregard for the truth". British Journal of Social Psychology. 60 (4): 1464–1483. doi:10.1111/bjso.12453. ISSN 2044-8309. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  8. ^ Petrocelli, John V.; Watson, Haley F.; Hirt, Edward R. (2020-01-01). "Self-regulatory aspects of bullshitting and bullshit detection". Social Psychology. 51 (4): 239–253. doi:10.1027/1864-9335/a000412. ISSN 1864-9335. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  9. ^ Brown, Mitch; Keefer, Lucas A.; McGrew, Shelby J. (2019-11-13). "Situational Factors Influencing Receptivity to Bullshit". Social Psychological Bulletin. 14 (3): 1–24. doi:10.32872/spb.v14i3.37393. ISSN 2569-653X. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  10. ^ Littrell, Shane; Meyers, Ethan A.; Fugelsang, Jonathan A. (2024). "Not All Bullshit Pondered Is Tossed: Reflection Decreases Receptivity to Some Types of Misleading Information but Not Others". Applied Cognitive Psychology. 38 (1): –4154. doi:10.1002/acp.4154. ISSN 1099-0720. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  11. ^ Petrocelli, John V.; Li, Yanying; Wang, Enhui; Curran, Joseph M. (2024-01-01). "Bullshitting and bullibility—Conditions and consequences". Social Psychology. 55 (5): 262–279. doi:10.1027/1864-9335/a000561. ISSN 1864-9335. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  12. ^ Evans, Anthony; Sleegers, Willem; Mlakar, Žan (2020). "Individual differences in receptivity to scientific bullshit". Judgment and Decision Making. 15 (3): 401–412. doi:10.1017/S1930297500007191. ISSN 1930-2975. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  13. ^ Pennycook, Gordon; Rand, David G. (2020). "Who falls for fake news? The roles of bullshit receptivity, overclaiming, familiarity, and analytic thinking". Journal of Personality. 88 (2): 185–200. doi:10.1111/jopy.12476. ISSN 1467-6494. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  14. ^ Sterling, Joanna; Jost, John T.; Pennycook, Gordon (2016). "Are neoliberals more susceptible to bullshit?". Judgment and Decision Making. 11 (4): 352–360. doi:10.1017/S1930297500003788. ISSN 1930-2975. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  15. ^ van Prooijen, Jan-Willem; Cohen Rodrigues, Talia; Bunzel, Carlotta; Georgescu, Oana; Komáromy, Dániel; Krouwel, André P. M. (2022). "Populist Gullibility: Conspiracy Theories, News Credibility, Bullshit Receptivity, and Paranormal Belief". Political Psychology. 43 (6): 1061–1079. doi:10.1111/pops.12802. ISSN 1467-9221. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  16. ^ Petrocelli, John V. (2018-05-01). "Antecedents of bullshitting". Journal of Experimental Social Psychology. 76: 249–258. doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2018.03.004. ISSN 0022-1031. Retrieved 2025-04-25.
  17. ^ Nilsson, Artur; Erlandsson, Arvid; Västfjäll, Daniel (2019-10-01). "The Complex Relation Between Receptivity to Pseudo-Profound Bullshit and Political Ideology". Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin. 45 (10): 1440–1454. doi:10.1177/0146167219830415. ISSN 0146-1672. Retrieved 2025-04-25.

References

[edit]
  • Kahan, D. (2016). The politically motivated reasoning paradigm, part 1: What politically motivated reasoning is and how to measure it. In R. Scott & S. Kosslyn (Eds.), Emerging trends in the social and behavioral sciences. John Wiley & Sons.

Civil inattention

[edit]

Civic inattention, a concept developed by sociologist Erving Goffman, refers to the practice of individuals acknowledging each other's presence in public spaces while deliberately avoiding direct engagement. In the complex and dynamic environments of modern cities, individuals constantly navigate spaces filled with strangers. While direct interaction is essential for building relationships, an equally important yet often overlooked social practice is civic inattention. This term describes the subtle balance between recognizing another person’s presence and refraining from unnecessary engagement, a behavior that contributes to social order by reducing unwanted confrontations and preserving personal autonomy. Goffman introduced civic inattention as part of his broader work on social interactions and public order. His research suggests that individuals use this practice to maintain a respectful distance from strangers while signaling mutual awareness. Unlike avoidance, which implies a deliberate effort to ignore someone, civic inattention involves a brief acknowledgment followed by disengagement.

Functions

[edit]

Preserving Personal Space: Urban environments require individuals to coexist in close proximity. Civic inattention allows for the smooth functioning of public spaces by preventing overcrowding from leading to excessive social demands.

Reducing Social Friction: By limiting unnecessary interactions, civic inattention minimizes potential conflicts and misunderstandings. It establishes an implicit social contract where individuals respect each other’s boundaries.

Enabling Autonomy: Civic inattention permits individuals to navigate public life without constant social obligations, fostering a sense of independence while still existing within a collective society.

While civic inattention contributes to social harmony, it has its drawbacks. It may lead to social isolation, discourage community engagement, and reinforce social divisions, particularly along lines of race, class, and gender. For instance, marginalized groups may experience exclusion or heightened surveillance due to selective civic inattention. Additionally, in situations requiring intervention—such as witnessing an accident or a crime—civic inattention can contribute to bystander apathy.

Civic inattention plays a vital role in managing social interactions in urban spaces. It serves as a means of balancing personal autonomy with collective order. However, its implications must be critically examined, especially in contexts where excessive detachment can lead to social alienation or reinforce systemic inequalities. Future research should explore ways to foster a more inclusive and conscious approach to public engagement without undermining the benefits of civic inattention.

Definition

[edit]

Civil inattention is the respectful recognition of a stranger in a public space without treating them as an object of curiosity or intent.[1]: 110  Civil inattention establishes that each recognizes the other's personhood without engagement. For example, persons passing on a street will typically glance at each other, noticing and then withdrawing their attention. This minimal recognition is contrasted with other interactions such as the "hate stare" of the racist or the refusal to notice a begger. Civil inattention is one of Irving Goffman's most celebrated concepts in his analyses of the rituals of public conduct in everyday life.[2]: 32 

Civil inattention is required to avoid the otherwise problematic encounters between strangers in an urban culture, to behave with courtesy while maintaining strangeness. Situations often studied are those in which strangers must share a public space in closer proximity than normal, as do the passengers using mass transportation, riding an elevator, or in a waiting room.[3][4] The typical behaviors observed to maintain strangeness include not staring or talking.[5]

The wearing of masks in public poses challenges for civil inattention, since they conceal many of the facial nuances and expressions that convey such inattention by acknowledging the presence of another while signaling a lack of untoward interest. Without the signifying presence of the rest of the face, such messages can be obscured.[6]

Ritual

[edit]

Crowded spaces

[edit]

In a series of experiments, groups of students stood silently in busy streets, breaching normal behavior, while the reaction of passers-by were recorded. Reactions included becoming an audience by slowing or stopping to watch, or joining the performance. Rather than being a breach of norms explained by civil inattention, the events were assumed to be demonstrations, protests or "flash mobs".[7]

Unwanted attention

[edit]

Harassment

[edit]

Integrate with Street harassment

  • In feminist scholarship, there is no consistent term for “public-space sexual harassment" (PSH). An early approach identified PSH as a breach of rules of civil inattention by strangers in public spaces, which places women as low status individuals. Sexual harassment of women and girls in public spaces is often trivialized. Responses to questions about twelve specific forms of harassment indicate that PSH experience is ubiquitous. Women who experience PSH are not only unable to lead lives free of harassment but also deprived of the ability to enjoy emotional well-being, be physically mobile, seek educational opportunities, earn a living, and be free of restrictions overall.[8]

Surveilance

[edit]
  • Rampton, Ben; Eley, Louise (2021). "Goffman and the everyday experience of surveillance1". Security, Ethnography and Discourse. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-00-308090-9.
Goffman (1963) defines civil inattention as when strangers quickly glance at each other and then withdraw their gaze. By this civil inattention, we acknowledge each other’s presence, showing that we have no hostile intentions and that we are not seeking further interaction. Several of my interviewees claimed that perhaps the one aspect they found most challenging in working covertly was not to be able to breach the norm of civil inattention in relation to gaze (Dahl, 2019). This was difficult because it meant they had to stop having staring contests when meeting a known or suspected criminal in a public space. The ‘winner’ of such competitions was the one who did not lower his eyes. According to my interviewees, this was a test to see whether a person is a criminal. When conducting such staring contests, the police officers know they are breaking social codes. Apparently only two groups, police and criminals, prolong their gaze and refuse to lower their eyes, and thereby breach this social code of civil inattention (Dahl, 2019).[9]

Gaze

[edit]

References

[edit]
  • Alloa, Emmanuel (2021). "Transparency, Privacy Commons and Civil Inattention". In Berger, Stefan; Fengler,, Susanne; Owetschkin, Dimitrij; Sittmann, Julia (eds.). Cultures of Transparency: Between Promise and Peril. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-429-32693-6.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: extra punctuation (link)

Citations

[edit]
  1. ^ Smith, Robin James (2022). "Interaction in Public Spaces". In Jacobsen, Michael Hviid; Smith, Greg (eds.). The Routledge International Handbook of Goffman Studies. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-00-316086-1.
  2. ^ Smith, Greg (2022). "Ritual". In Jacobsen, Michael Hviid; Smith, Greg (eds.). The Routledge International Handbook of Goffman Studies. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-00-316086-1.
  3. ^ Hirschauer, Stefan (2005). "On Doing Being a Stranger: The Practical Constitution of Civil Inattention". Journal for the Theory of Social Behaviour. 35 (1): 41–67. doi:10.1111/j.0021-8308.2005.00263.x. ISSN 1468-5914. Retrieved 2025-03-01.
  4. ^ Diefenbach, Sarah; Riehle, Anna; Jannott, Hannah; Vornhagen, Joëlle-Sophie; Stoll, Johannes; Markhoff, Lea; von Terzi, Pia (2025). "Psychological Needs Related to Civil Inattention: A Qualitative and Quantitative View on Public Encounters". British Journal of Social Psychology. 64 (1): –12828. doi:10.1111/bjso.12828. ISSN 2044-8309. Retrieved 2025-02-28.
  5. ^ Swedberg, Richard (2020-11-01). "On the Use of Abstractions in Sociology: The Classics and Beyond". Journal of Classical Sociology. 20 (4): 257–280. doi:10.1177/1468795X19861086. ISSN 1468-795X. Retrieved 2025-02-28.
  6. ^ Andrejevic, Mark; Davies, Hugh; DeSouza, Ruth; Hjorth, Larissa; Richardson, Ingrid (2021-07-01). "Situating 'Careful Surveillance'". International Journal of Cultural Studies. 24 (4): 567–583. doi:10.1177/1367877921997450. ISSN 1367-8779. Retrieved 2025-02-28.
  7. ^ Stanley, Steven; Smith, Robin James; Ford, Eleanor; Jones, Joshua (2020-11-01). "Making Something Out of Nothing: Breaching Everyday Life by Standing Still in a Public Place". The Sociological Review. 68 (6): 1250–1272. doi:10.1177/0038026120940616. ISSN 0038-0261. Retrieved 2025-02-28.
  8. ^ Berik, Günseli; Bhattacharya, Haimanti; Singh, Tejinder Pal; Sinha, Aashima; Strenio, Jacqueline; Naomi, Sharin Shajahan; Zafar, Sameen; Talboys, Sharon (2025-01-02). "Capability Approach Lens to Public-space Sexual Harassment of Women: Evidence from India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan". Journal of Human Development and Capabilities. 26 (1): 129–153. doi:10.1080/19452829.2024.2426979. ISSN 1945-2829. Retrieved 2025-02-28.
  9. ^ Dahl, Johanne Yttri (2022-03-01). "Chameleonizing: A Microsociological Study of Covert Physical Surveillance". European Journal of Criminology. 19 (2): 220–236. doi:10.1177/1477370819896204. ISSN 1477-3708. Retrieved 2025-02-28.