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22 January 2003
All 150 seats in the House of Representatives 76 seats needed for a majority
Turnout	80.04% ( 0.98pp)
Party Leader Vote % Seats +/– CDA Jan Peter Balkenende 28.62 44 +1 PvdA Wouter Bos 27.26 42 +19 VVD Gerrit Zalm 17.91 28 +4 SP Jan Marijnissen 6.32 9 0 LPF Mat Herben 5.70 8 −18 GL Femke Halsema 5.14 8 −2 D66 Thom de Graaf 4.07 6 −1 CU André Rouvoet 2.12 3 −1 SGP Bas van der Vlies 1.56 2 0 This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below. Most voted-for party by municipality Cabinet before Cabinet after First Balkenende cabinet CDA–LPF–VVD Second Balkenende cabinet CDA–VVD–D66

General elections were held in the Netherlands on 22 January 2003.

• Add a note about seat change / Groep de Jong
• Text copied from nl:Groep_De_Jong_(2002)
• Going to merge the pages Progressive Integration Party and Ratelband List here.

Background

Previous election (May 2002)

Main article: 2002 Dutch general election

During the general election of May 2002, the purple coalition parties—Labour, VVD, and D66—all lost heavily, Labour enduring a record 22-seat loss under Melkert, who resigned that night. The CDA improved in every province, securing pluraities in all except Groningen. CDA gains in urban cities were more muted; the LPF secured pluralities in The Hague and Rotterdam while Labour retained Amsterdam.

VVD (May-September 2002)

Following the VVD’s electoral defeat, Hans Dijkstal stepped down as party leader, and on 16 May the new parliamentary group unanimously elected former finance minister Gerrit Zalm as its chair. Zalm went on to distance himself from the purple coalition for making too many half-hearted compromises. On 16 August, Dijkstal announced his departure from parliament effective 1 September, citing internal party shifts and post-election turmoil as obstacles to his effectiveness.

First Balkenende cabinet (May-October 2002)

Cabinet formation (May-July 2002)

Main articles: 2002 Dutch cabinet formation and First Balkenende cabinet

Queen Beatrix appointed the CDA jurist Piet Hein Donner as informateur on 17 May 2002, directing him to assemble a cabinet that could rely on constructive parliamentary cooperation. Donner soon centred talks on a coalition of CDA and LPF, preferably with the VVD; the left‑wing parties and the small Christian formations opted for opposition. The VVD, shaken by its electoral losses, initially favoured an external‑support model and proposed that CDA and LPF govern as a minority. Balkenende and LPF leader Mat Herben rejected that formula, and on 23 May the VVD caucus agreed—grudgingly—to full participation, provided that substantial liberal planks be enacted. Negotiations opened the same day. Consensus formed quickly on €10 billion in fiscal retrenchment and on a tougher asylum regime. The LPF secured agreement on elected mayors, but its demands for a directly elected prime minister, a corrective referendum, and the suspension of the Betuweroute freight line were blocked by its partners.

In late June, Donner consolidated the results into the Strategic Accord Working on Trust: Getting Down to Business. The draft, approved by the negotiators on 28 June and by their caucuses on 3 July, reflected campaign priorities: public security, healthcare, education and immigrant integration preceded socio‑economic and external affairs. Policy highlights included stricter criminal sentencing, demand‑driven medical care, limits on school mergers, mandatory civic‑integration courses, and tighter family‑reunification rules. Each party gained a flagship concession: a life‑course savings scheme for the CDA, abolition of the property tax (Onroerendezaakbelasting) for the VVD, and removal of the kwartje van Kok (a 25-cent excise tax on petrol) for the LPF. Institutional reform was confined to elected mayors; referendums disappeared, and Fortuyn’s broader anti‑bureaucratic and Eurosceptic themes were largely absent. Although the opposition denounced the accord in a 4 July debate—citing scant renewal, WAO cutbacks, and neglect of hospital wait lists—the queen that afternoon named Balkenende formateur, tasking him chiefly with divvying portfolios.

Portfolio bargaining proved more fractious than policy drafting. Under pressure from its restless caucus, the LPF repeatedly sent Herben back to demand a Justice‑based Ministry of Immigration and a stronger integration remit. On 10 July the parties struck a final bargain: six CDA ministers, four each for LPF and VVD, and fourteen junior posts divided five‑five‑four. Minor concessions on the integration brief quelled remaining dissent, and on 11 July all factions ratified the list. Balkenende interviewed candidates through the following week; on 22 July the queen swore in the first Balkenende cabinet. Balkenende became prime minister and minister of general affairs, with Johan Remkes (VVD) and Eduard Bomhoff (LPF) as deputy prime ministers at Interior and Health. Other key posts went to Piet Hein Donner (CDA, Justice), Jaap de Hoop Scheffer (CDA, Foreign Affairs), Hans Hoogervorst (VVD, Finance), Herman Heinsbroek (LPF, Economic Affairs), Cees Veerman (CDA, Agriculture), and Hilbrand Nawijn (LPF, immigration).

LPF internal conflicts (May-October 2002)

See also: Pim Fortuyn List § First Balkenende cabinet (2002–2003), and First Balkenende cabinet § Power struggles within the LPF and resignation of the cabinet

After the election, the LPF descended into administrative chaos: correspondence went unanswered, the membership register was incomplete, and treasurer Herman Dost blocked any audit of party accounts. To force a reset, MPs installed an eight‑member interim board on 5 June, but this was decried as an imposed regime with no involvement from grassroots supporters. Regional coordinators feared marginalisation, and founding board members Dost and Peter Langendam turned against the new statutes that limited rank‑and‑file voting rights. On 27 June they revoked the interim board’s mandate, prompting MPs to threaten secession. After mediation by major donors, a compromise kept Langendam and Dostuntil a July assembly, yet they resigned under pressure on 2 and 3 July respectively and ceded authority to businessman Ed Maas and lawyer Cees van Leeuwen.Although an extraordinary gathering of 800 members endorsed Maas’s reorganisation mandate, divisions persisted; online entrepreneur Ruud Both, Dost’s ally, intiially denounced the procedure and vowed a rival meeting, but still ended up taking a position under Maas.

The parliamentary group soon fractured over strategy and leadership. Polls showing an eleven‑seat slump intensified dissatisfaction with Mat Herben’s negotiation style and perceived leniency toward coalition partners. Exhausted, Herben announced his departure on 8 August, effective 1 September; on 20 August the caucus elevated Harry Wijnschenk, a former VVD municipal councillor and motor‑magazine seller, who immediately apologised for the party’s turmoil and created a nine‑member executive team. His tenure began in scandal: television revealed MP Willem van der Velden’s adviser formerly had ties to the far-right centre party and CP86, (20 August) and Algemeen Dagblad alleged that MP Cor Eberhard had concealed a criminal past (24 August); both were temporarily suspended. Wijnschenk, under stress, first denied then admitted knowing the adviser and drafted a loyalty pledge renouncing extremism. Eberhard threatened legal action, the newspaper retracted its claim (31 August), and he returned, deepening mutual distrust. On 26 September, MP Winny de Jong threatened to defect from the party unless Winschenk stepped down, accusing him of having purchased his seat.

By early October the party verged on open schism. A 1 October meeting expelled De Jong and Eberhard after ten hours of discussion; they remained in the house as Groep De Jong. This provoked provincial chairs to condemn Wijnschenk and Hoogendijk and to demand their removal. On 30 September, Wijnschenk unilaterally urged Economics Minister Herman Heinsbroek to assume political leadership of the LPF, shocking both the interim board and Deputy Prime Minister Eduard Bomhoff. Heinsbroek expressed conditional interest if Bomhoff relinquished his post. However, Bornhoff refused, and Maas opposed the gambit. On 2 October, Wijnshenk accused Maas of using his position to reward "real estate friends" with political power. A crisis conference on 3 October produced a fragile truce: Wijnschenk retracted accusations against Maas, and unity was proclaimed for the cameras. Two days later, however, all twelve provincial chairs withdrew confidence in Wijnschenk and called for reconciliation with the expelled MPs; interim chair Maas voiced willingness to see dissidents form a separate faction. Wijnschenk refused to step down, scheduling a confidence vote for 16 October—delayed by Prince Claus’s death (6 October).

Cabinet disintegration (October 2002)

Mounting strife within the LPF placed the first Balkenende cabinet under acute strain in October 2002. Two rival camps crystallised: Bomhoff aligned with interim party chair Maas, whereas Heinsbroek backed parliamentary leader Wijnschenk. On 4 October Balkenende still dismissed questions about LPF discord. During an assembly on 5 October, Heinsbroek was the only minister to publicly support Weinschenk, while Bomhoff was publicly neutral. Heinsbroek denounced Bomhoff's neutral speech as a lulverhaal ("bullshit"), and the pair clashed again when Bomhoff urged revisions to Central Planning Bureau models, to which Heinsbroek objected. Viewing their feud as a threat to government viability, Balkenende warned at the 11 October cabinet meeting that the squabbling must cease; VVD leader Zalm echoed the concern on 13 October, saying a cabinet could not function with two ministers “who can’t stand the sight of each other.”

On 13 October LPF ministers convened and, by majority, demanded Bomhoff’s resignation; ministers Khee Liang Phoa and Cees van Leeuwen dissented. After Prince Claus’s funeral on 15 October, LPF ministers withdrew confidence in both Bomhoff and Heinsbroek, yet they refused to step aside, each insisting the parliamentary caucus should decide. Balkenende suspended that evening's cabinet session, warning he would govern only if the LPF united behind its leader and both ministers resigned voluntarily. The next morning, before talks resumed, CDA and VVD leaders Maxime Verhagen and Zalm declared their trust in the coalition exhausted. Bomhoff and Heinsbroek agreed to quit, but the decision was moot: Balkenende informed Parliament that his cabinet had lost its basis and tendered its resignation to the Queen. Bomhoff’s later memoir, Blinde Ambitie (published 19 December 2002), quoting confidential cabinet deliberations, prompted an inquiry into possible breach of official secrecy.

Immediately after the collapse, Balkenende and Verhagen signalled readiness to continue with the VVD but not the LPF, noting polls that hinted at a joint majority of 77 to 79 seats. LPF ministers petitioned Queen Beatrix on 21 October for a “glueing attempt,” even offering to cede a portfolio, yet CDA and VVD dismissed the overture as “a passed station.” Following consultations with her constitutional advisers and parliamentary leaders—none but the LPF favoured salvaging the coalition—the Queen accepted the resignation. Balkende set 22 January 2003 for new elections, allowing time for new parties to register by 28 October. Balkenende explained the date as the earliest practicable moment satisfying the House’s wish for rapid elections. In the intervening caretaker period the portfolios of the departed LPF ministers were reassigned to CDA and VVD colleagues—Aart Jan de Geus took Health and the deputy premiership from Bomhoff, while Hans Hoogervorst assumed Economic Affairs from Heinsbroek.

Developments within opposition parties

Labour Party (May-November 2002)

Main article: 2002 Labour Party (Netherlands) leadership election

The Labour Party anticipated a setback yet was shocked by the loss of 22 seats on 15 May—its then-steepest decline ever and worse than the CDA’ record loss in 1994. Ad Melkert resigned on the night following the election under pressure from Koole and Kok. He remained in parliament until he later accepted an executive directorship at the World Bank, an appointment unsuccesfully opposed by LPF house represenatives. In his valedictory remarks, Melkert warned against reflexive national self‑loathing and maintained that the 2002 platform remained a sound basis for opposition. On 16 May, the caucus elected Jeltje van Nieuwenhoven its chair, though she disclaimed party leadership.

Campaign strategist Jacques Monasch later criticized an excessive focus on macro‑economics at the expense of healthcare, security and immigration, and his chronicle De Strijd om de Macht (The Struggle for Power) depicted a divided team centred obsessively on Melkert. Political scientist Philip van Praag faulted the re‑use of the 1994 and 1998 playbooks, while campaign director Dick Benschop acknowledged vacillation between defending the coalition record and promising change. The executive created two panels. The De Boer committee on political direction, chaired by Meta de Boer, and the Andersson committee on organisation and culture. De Boer’s report, De Kaasstolp aan Diggelen, charged the campaign with scripting “the wrong protagonist,” condemned Koole and colleagues for clinging to bureaucratic style after the disastrous 6 March debate, and highlighted deeper identity erosion on multiculturalism, meritocracy, democracy and Europe. Andersson urged more tiers of memberships, primary‑style selections and structured dialogue through digital platforms and local meetings.

On 24 May, Koole proposed that members, not MPs, should elect the new parliamentary leader by referendum in the autumn; the Political Forum endorsed the idea on 1 June, and in July the executive scheduled a November ballot for the Lower‑House chair, the Senate lead and possibly provincial list‑leaders. Rules adopted on 2 September required an absolute majority and at least 15 percent turnout, failing which the caucus would regain the appointment right. Former state‑secretary Wouter Bos, encouraged by 120 000 preference votes in the May election, entered the race on 27 August, promising an open debate and clearer positions; ex‑minister Klaas de Vries joined on 29 September, urging closer ties with D66 and GroenLinks, while vice‑chair Adri Duivesteijn withdrew. Incumbent van Nieuwenhoven announced in October, and public hustings followed. Bos argued for curbing mortgage relief for higher earners; De Vries mocked VVD leader Zalm over the cabinet collapse. On 12 November Bos won decisively with 60 percent of the 32 000 ballots cast, interpeted as members’ appetite for generational renewal.

GroenLinks

At the GroenLinks party council on 25 May 2002, Rosenmöller attributed the modest election result to the "bizarre political climate" rather than campaign flaws, though members criticized the party’s proximity to the Labour party and Rosenmöller's excessive hostility to Fortuyn. Rosenmöller proposed an opposition pact with SP, D66, and Labour, which gained little traction. On 15 November, Rosenmöller announced he would step down as party leader, citing threats to his family since Fortuyn’s murder. On 23 November 2002, Femke Halsema was elected as his successor by the party congress with 97.6% of the vote.

Socialist Party

In the 2002 election, the Socialist Party secured 9 seats in the House of Representatives, a gain of 4, making it the only left-leaning party to increase its share. SP leader Jan Marijnissen rejected proposals for a formal left-wing bloc against the emerging center-right coalition of CDA, LPF, and VVD, despite appeals from Rosenmöller and Labour MP Duivesteijn. Marijnissen noted past efforts to collaborate with labour, which Melkert had resisted. On 21 October, the SP board convened to prepare for new elections, presenting a near-identical candidate list and program, ratified on 23 November. Marijnissen would reprise his role as lead candidate.

Democrats 66

On 16 May 2002, after the loss of 7 seats in the prior day's election, D66 party leader Thom de Graaf acknowledged responsibility and offered to step down, but was unanimously re-elected as parliamentary leader by his six fellow MPs. Both the national board and the party's youth wing reaffirmed their confidence in him. Former minister Roger van Boxtel declined his seat, citing the election result as a rejection of his integration policies, rendering him unfit for opposition. He was replaced by Boris van der Ham. In the leadership contest, 11 candidates emerged. At the 16 November party congress, De Graaf was decisively re-elected.

Christian Union

The disappointing election result of 2002 caused significant unrest within the Christian Union, sparking internal criticism over the party’s vague Christian profile and perceived eagerness for coalition participation. Party leader Kars Veling was seen as insufficiently charismatic and was criticized for both his campaign performance and certain remarks, such as downplaying Sunday observance. Calls for renewal grew, and a party evaluation concluded that the campaign prioritized potential cabinet alliances over clarity of message, while internal democracy had been lacking. Although Veling initially remained supported, his subsequent health issues and mounting pressure led him to resign on 29 October. On 2 November, André Rouvoet was selected as the lead candidate for the 2003 election.

Reformed Political Party

In the summer of 2002, the Clara Wichmann Institute (CWI) sought a Calvinist woman to challenge the Reformed Political Party (SGP)’s refusal to grant women full membership, with promises of legal funds. A student member of the SGP youth wing responded but withdrew after a tense October meeting with party leaders in, who allegedly told her that she would go to hell if she persisted. A compromise proposal allowing women full membership with male permission was rejected. In December, the SGP submitted its candidate list and an updated program for the 2003 elections. The candidate list was unchanged from 2002; Bas van der Vlies would reprise his role as lead candidate.

Livable Netherlands

The 2002 election results proved disappointing for Livable Netherlands, which had publicly set a goal of obtaining at least ten parliamentary seats. Founders Jan Nagel, Willem van Kooten, Broos Schnetz, and Henk Westbroek had already pledged to resign if this threshold was not reached; thus, their resignations immediately followed the party securing only two seats. Nagel was succeeded as party chair by Jan Jetten. Potential cooperation with the LPF was opposed by party leader Fred Teeven. On 13 November, four leading party members resigned due to Jetten's leadership style, which was criticized as mismanaged, autocratic and clientelist. On 22 November, Jetten controversially proposed to replace Teeven as party leader with media personality Emile Ratelband. On 8 December, the party board elected Haitske van der Linde, who defeated Ratelband with a vote margin of 75 against 73.

New parties

Ratelband List (December 2002)

In December 2002, Emile Ratelband decided to set up his own Ratelband List after being rejected as lijsttrekker for Livable Netherlands; his daughter Minou had also had a prominent place in the list. Ratelband had only one day to compile a list of candidates and collect the required 570 signatures (declarations of support) spread across the nineteen electoral districts, as these had to be submitted to the Electoral Council by December 10. The political programme of the Ratelband List was essentially in the spirit of Pim Fortuyn. The Ratelband List took part in the elections for the Tweede Kamer on 22 January 2003. Ratelband asserted that he would move to Australia or the Fiji Islands if the list failed to win a single seat.

Groep de Jong / DeConservatieven.nl (October 2002)

On 1 October, the LPF expelled Winny de Jong en Cor Eberhard; they remained in the house as Groep De Jong. Later that month, De Jong registered the party De Conservatieven.nl with the Electoral Council. She aimed to advocate for people “with an established status in society” and to “correct the excessive policies” in the areas of integration, public safety, and healthcare. European policy would also be a key focus. Initially, it was not yet known whether Eberhard would join her.

Party for the Animals (October 2002)

The First Balkenende cabinet was more hostile to animal welfare than the preceding Second Kok cabinet: it scrapped plans to ban mink farming, relaxed restrictions on hunting, and postponed regulations on factory farming. Cabinet party LPF pushed for these changes; Lieke Keller, director of the anti-fur farming organisation Bont voor Dieren (Bont for animals), interpreted these acts as trying to "get even" with activists following the assassination of Pim Fortuyn by environmental and animal rights activist Volkert van der Graaf. Despite their past support for animal welfare, GroenLinks and the Socialist Party did not vocally oppose the cabinet's animal policy. The cabinet was described as having rolled back 20 years of animal welfare progress. When a snap election were announced on 21 October 2002, Keller spoke with her collogue Marianne Thieme and suggested starting a party dedicated to animal rights. Thieme responded that she didn't believe in single-issue parties, but changed her mind on 24 October during a protest against seal hunting: "It's about an entire group of inhabitants being ignored, that's not a single issue". Thus, the Party for the Animals was founded and registered on 28 October 2002, with Thieme serving as party leader. The media did not pay attention to this, as it was focused on the LPF's internal struggles.

Progressive Integration Party (October-November 2002)

The Progressive Integration Party (Vooruitstrevende Integratie Partij) was founded on 28 October 2002. Its stated goal was to "further the integration of migrants in the Netherlands without loss of their identity". On 6 November, the electoral council declined the party's attempted registration due to potential acronym-related confusion with the Free Indian Party (Vrije Indische Partij; VIP). The ruling was overturned on 22 November as confusion was deemed unlikely. Ranesh Dhalganjansing was the party's lead candidate. The 2003 general election would be one of two election cycles in which this party participated, the other being the 2006 Dutch municipal elections.

Alliance for Renewal and Democracy (October 2002-January 2003)

In October 2002, IJsbrand van der Krieke, director of the LPF's North Holland branch, left the LPF due to the party's lack of internal democracy and founded the Alliance for Renewal and Democracy (Alliantie voor Vernieuwing en Democratie; AVD). Krieke was the party's lead candidate. It had around 20 members around new year's day 2003. The 2003 general election would be this party's only election cycle.

List Veldhoen (2002)

List Veldhoen was established in 2002. Jan Veldhoen was its sole candidate, participating in four electoral districts. The party platform established its central aim as the promotion of the well-being of all citizens, regardless of origin. It further emphasized improving public safety, healthcare, education, and integration, while reducing bureaucracy and restoring trust in government. The party advocated better care for vulnerable groups—such as addicts, the homeless, and the elderly—stricter law enforcement, and a clearer moral code in public life. It also called for tighter immigration controls, mandatory assessments for newcomers, and the deportation of undocumented individuals, linking residency rights to employment and integration outcomes. The 2003 general election would be its only election cycle.

Returning extra-parliamentary parties

The following extra-parliamentary parties returned to contest the 2003 Dutch general election:

Party	Lead candidate	Last general election + result
Durable Netherlands	Seyfi Özgüzel	2002 Dutch general election	9,058 votes (0.10%)
Party of the Future	Johan Vlemmix	2002 Dutch general election	6,393 votes (0.07%)
New Communist Party of the Netherlands	Alejandro de Mello	1998 Dutch general election	5,620 votes (0.07%)

Campaign

CDA and VVD aim for joint majority (16 October-2 December 2002)

Following the dissolution of the Balkenende cabinet on 16 October 2002—prompted by VVD leader Gerrit Zalm's withdrawal of support amidst escalating internal discord within the LPF—Queen Beatrix accepted the cabinet’s resignation. Snap elections were announced for 22 January 2003. With their Strategic Accord still formally intact, the CDA and VVD at first campaigned as continuity partners, hoping to secure a direct majority without the LPF. Early polling conducted by NIPO on 17 October appeared to validate this strategy, projecting 49 seats for the CDA and 31 for the VVD, together securing a parliamentary majority. The LPF, by contrast, suffered a dramatic decline, having fallen to just 4 seats. Over the following weeks, the CDA maintained its strong lead, while the VVD experienced minor fluctuations, and a coalition between the two remained arithmetically viable.

By 28 November, the political dynamics had notably shifted. The Socialist Party under Jan Marijnissen gained substantial momentum, drawing support from both left- and right-leaning electorates and rising to 21 projected seats. Meanwhile, public confidence in Zalm’s leadership waned, contributing to a decline in VVD support to 25 seats, thereby reducing the CDA–VVD bloc to 73 seats—below the majority threshold. The PvdA advanced to 28 seats, making a CDA–PvdA coalition a numerically plausible alternative at 76. Inside the VVD, elder statesman Hans Wiegel openly criticised Zalm’s handling of the cabinet crash and praised Marijnissen’s grassroots style; Vice-Premier Johan Remkes dismissed the LPF as unstable, and Finance Minister Hans Hoogervorst suggested opposition if no majority emerged—remarks Zalm downplayed while proposing D66 or the Christian Union as fallback partners. At separate congresses (held on 30 November and 2 December respectively), Balkenende kept the LPF formally eligible but signalled caution, whereas Zalm claimed the VVD’s polling dip was temporary and put himself forth as a candidate for prime minister.

Labour, meanwhile, capitalized on the fluid political environment with a reinvigorated campaign. Following the cabinet’s collapse, the party shifted its internal leadership consultation into a formal lijsttrekker election, resulting in the selection of Wouter Bos. Under campaign director Rineke Klijnsma and chairman Ruud Koole, the party conducted a cost-effective, grassroots-focused campaign emphasizing accessibility and community engagement. The central message—"a party by and for the people"—was visually reinforced through campaign materials featuring Bos among a diverse group of citizens. Public events, particularly the widely attended "Arena meetings," contributed to a surge in media visibility and popular support. By 30 November, Zalm ruled out a cabinet with Labour while Balkenende stated his openness.

Municipal reorganization elections (6-20 November 2002)

Main article: 2002 Dutch municipal reorganization elections

Echt-Susteren

Zwijndrecht

Oss

Hulst

Sluis

Terneuzen

class=notpageimage|

Results of the municipal reorganization elections by municipality.

•   CDA won plurality
•   SP won plurality
•   CDA won plurality, local parties won plurality if grouped together

Municipal reorganization elections were held in the Netherlands on November 2002. They were controversially seen as a bellwether for the 2003 Dutch general election.

Over the course of April to June 2002, the Dutch government approved a number of new municipal mergers, which would take effect on 1 January 2003. This led to new elections in November 2002 across six reorganized municipalities: Oss (largest), Terneuzen, Zwijndrecht, Echt-Susteren, Hulst and Sluis (smallest). Half of these prospective municipalities were located in Zeeland; the others were located in Limburg (Echt-Susteren), South Holland (Zwijndrecht) and North Brabant (Oss). In the municipal elections of 1998, the Christian Democratic Appeal (CDA) won pluralities in 3 of these areas, while trailing the Socialist Party (SP) in Oss, the Labour Party (PvdA) in Zwijndrecht, and a local party in Sluis. Furthermore, if local parties are treated as a bloc, they outpolled the CDA in Echt-Susteren and Hulst, where they won outright majorities. Across these areas, the CDA was the strongest national contender, garnering 28'234 votes (22.2%). The CDA was followed by the Labour Party (PvdA), which received 15.4% of the vote.

In October 2002, internal strife within the Pim Fortuyn List (LPF) led to the collapse of the first Balkenende cabinet, triggering a snap election in January 2003. As a result, the municipal reorganization elections held the following month were treated as a tentative indicator of national trends, despite covering only newly merged municipalities. Analysts debated their relevance, with some arguing the elections reflected broader sentiment while others highlighted the distortions introduced by local grievances and the unique context of annexations. The SP was projected to strengthen its position in Oss, while the CDA was expected to perform well. Far-right activity surfaced in Zwijndrecht and Oss, though ultimately failed to gain traction. National party leaders, including the CDA's Jan Peter Balkenende, PvdA’s Wouter Bos, VVD's Gerrit Zalm, SP's Jan Marijnissen, and GroenLinks’ Paul Rosenmöller actively campaigned in the affected areas. On 6 November, Echt-Susteren became the election cycle's first municipality to vote; the rest followed on the 20th.

The CDA emerged as the overall winner, collecting 28,554 votes (23.7%) and leading in five of six new municipalities, with its strongest performance in Zwijndrecht. The SP dominated in Oss with 38.4% but did not achieve an outright majority. The PvdA came second overall with 15,963 votes (13.2%) but suffered a notable decline, particularly in Zwijndrecht where it lost its plurality. Local parties, although fragmented, performed well collectively, especially in Echt-Susteren and Hulst, where they collectively exceeded 50% of the vote. The far-right New National Party contested only Zwijndrecht and failed to win a seat. Analysts cautioned against drawing national conclusions from partisan results, citing local dynamics and the distorting effects of recent mergers, though the high turnout was attributed to the cabinet collapse. In Oss, 17-year-old Lilian Marijnissen—future leader of the SP—won a seat via preference votes, joining the municipal council in September 2003 after reaching the age of eligibility. (Full article...)

Bos—Zalm Buitenhof debate (8 December 2002)

The campaign gained momentum in December; the first televised debate between Bos and Zalm took place on 8 December on Buitenhof. Both candidates quickly concluded that a coalition between their parties would be unwise, given stark policy disagreements—particularly on fiscal matters. Bos advocated increased public spending to stimulate the faltering economy, arguing that a moderate rise in the deficit would prevent further unemployment and hardship. Zalm countered that such policies would dangerously inflate the budget deficit, eventually forcing severe austerity. He accused the PvdA of irresponsible promises, especially their proposal to increase spending by 1.5 billion euros without clear funding, warning of future consequences like frozen benefits.

The debate also revealed deep divisions on taxation, healthcare, and immigration. Bos opposed the VVD’s plan to abolish property taxes, arguing it mainly benefits the wealthy and undermines local support for the poor. He also rejected a flat-rate health insurance premium, favoring income-based contributions. Zalm criticized this as covert income redistribution, insisting taxes—not insurance—should handle equity. He further opposed the PvdA's plan to reduce mortgage interest deductions for high earners, warning it targeted a substantial segment of homeowners. On immigration, Zalm supported stricter entry requirements and mandatory language acquisition abroad, while Bos expressed reservations. Following the debate, Zalm reflected positively on the exchange on his blog, particularly proud of his stance on public safety and immigration, and welcomed the start of a content-driven campaign season, though he remarked that it felt weird to debate his former secretary.

The 8 December debate is mentioned in the DNPP (Documentatiecentrum Nederlandse Politieke Partijen; Documentation centre Dutch political parties)'s chronicle of the 2003 election campaign, where it is described as the first debate between Zalm and Bos. However, Van Holsteyn et. al (2004)'s chronicle of the 2003 election downplays the 8 December debate, referring to the 3 January 2003 debate—which included 4 parties (PvdA, CDA, SP, and VVD)—as the "first important televised confrontation between the party leaders". Some contemporary media reports went further, with Trouw and Leidsch Dagblad referring to the 3 January debate as the "eerste lijstrekkerdebat" (first lead candidate debate), despite the PvdA and VVD leaders having already sparred previously.

"Warrig en zwalkend" (14 December 2002)

In an interview with de Volkskrant on 14 December, Bos argued that the Dutch constitution should be amended to end the right of faith-based schools to reject students based on religion, advocating a general obligation for all schools to accept children from their local communities regardless of religious background. He asserted this was necessary to ensure schools reflect the social makeup of their neighbourhoods. Bos criticised previous PvdA leadership, including Wim Kok and Ad Melkert, for pushing the party into the "Purple" coalition without broad support from its base. On integration, he supported encouraging Dutch as the spoken language in mosques and emphasized population mixing across schools to prevent social fragmentation. Bos also reiterated his preference for persuasion over compulsion but stressed that progress had to be made.

Regarding coalition prospects, Bos had already signalled his willingness to collaborate with the CDA, though the PvdA and CDA did not jointly poll at a majority at the time. He expressed a lack of enthusiasm for Democrats 66 (D66), calling the party’s economic policies "warrig en zwalkend" (vague and erratic). Although he did not explicitly rule out cooperation with D66, he stated he preferred alliances with GroenLinks, SP, or CU. He added: "I’m not choosing between the three. If they perform strongly, the SP must be involved in coalition talks. I’m curious to see on which issues Marijnissen is willing to compromise. The differences between the PvdA and GroenLinks are minimal."

In response, D66 leader Thom de Graaf voiced disappointment, accusing Bos of initiating a historical rupture between the PvdA and D66. De Graaf denied D66 was inconsistent and pointed to policy differences, such as on welfare reform and healthcare financing, to explain the divergence between the parties. He expressed surprise that the PvdA seemed more inclined to align with parties like SP and ChristenUnie than with D66, its former coalition partner. While affirming that a CDA-VVD-D66 coalition was not his preference, De Graaf refused to rule it out entirely, citing political realities and emphasizing the need to secure programmatic influence. He reiterated D66’s priorities: increased investment in education, environmental protection, and democratic reform. He rejected the notion that Bos’s comments had personally offended him but insisted that D66 remained coherent and principled in contrast to the PvdA’s shifting alliances. De Graaf concluded by affirming D66’s relevance, even amid poor polling, emphasizing its nuanced platform an increasingly polarised political climate.

Results

See also: 2003 Dutch cabinet formation

The LPF lost as spectacularly as it won in 2002, with its seat count dropping from 26 to 8. Commentators attributed the result to voters feeling that the LPF had become rudderless without its original leader and that the government had already implemented some of its policies, but argued disaffected LPF supporters would still back an "anti-establishment" party if a viable option was available.

The exciting race of which party would become the largest was eventually won by the CDA, which went from 43 to 44 seats, ensuring a continuation of Balkenende's career as prime minister.

Most of the smaller parties on both the left and right side did not experience significant changes. Several other parties (among them Leefbaar Nederland, a 2002 newcomer) didn't manage to get over the threshold and thus gained no seats. They are not listed here.

After severe disagreements had frustrated the formation of a CDA-PvdA cabinet, a CDA-VVD-D66 cabinet was formed on 27 May 2003, with Balkenende as prime minister.

Party		Votes	%	Seats	+/–
	Christian Democratic Appeal	2,763,480	28.62	44	+1
	Labour Party	2,631,363	27.26	42	+19
	People's Party for Freedom and Democracy	1,728,707	17.91	28	+4
	Socialist Party	609,723	6.32	9	0
	Pim Fortuyn List	549,975	5.70	8	–16
	GroenLinks	495,802	5.14	8	–2
	Democrats 66	393,333	4.07	6	–1
	Christian Union	204,694	2.12	3	–1
	Reformed Political Party	150,305	1.56	2	0
	Party for the Animals	47,754	0.49	0	New
	Livable Netherlands	38,894	0.40	0	–2
	Party of the Future	13,845	0.14	0	0
	Ratelband List	9,045	0.09	0	New
	Durable Netherlands	7,271	0.08	0	0
	New Communist Party of the Netherlands	4,854	0.05	0	0
	DeConservatieven.nl	2,521	0.03	0	-2
	Progressive Integration Party	1,623	0.02	0	New
	Alliance for Renewal and Democracy	990	0.01	0	New
	Veldhoen List	296	0.00	0	New
Total		9,654,475	100.00	150	0
Valid votes		9,654,475	99.87
Invalid/blank votes		12,127	0.13
Total votes		9,666,602	100.00
Registered voters/turnout		12,076,711	80.04
Source: Kiesraad

By province

Results by province

Province	CDA	PvdA	VVD	SP	LPF	GL	D66	CU	SGP	Others
Drenthe	24.8	37.8	16.8	5.1	3.8	4.1	3.4	2.9	0.3	1.0
Flevoland	24.7	25.5	21.3	5.4	7.0	4.8	4.1	3.6	2.1	1.5
Friesland	32.0	33.5	12.6	6.0	3.7	4.5	2.8	3.2	0.5	1.2
Gelderland	31.6	26.6	16.5	5.8	4.2	5.1	3.6	2.5	2.9	1.2
Groningen	20.6	39.6	13.0	7.3	3.4	6.0	3.9	4.7	0.3	1.2
Limburg	37.5	26.6	14.1	7.2	5.3	4.5	2.9	0.3	0.0	1.6
North Brabant	33.9	23.6	18.2	8.4	5.6	4.2	3.6	0.6	0.4	1.5
North Holland	21.1	29.0	21.5	7.0	6.0	6.9	5.7	1.0	0.2	1.6
Overijssel	36.6	27.3	13.5	4.9	3.4	4.2	3.0	4.4	2.1	1.6
South Holland	24.9	25.9	19.8	5.3	8.7	4.7	4.3	2.2	2.5	1.7
Utrecht	27.3	23.5	20.4	5.9	4.8	6.7	5.2	3.1	2.0	1.1
Zeeland	32.0	23.8	15.7	5.0	5.3	3.8	2.7	2.9	7.7	1.1

5 largest municipalities

Results in the five largest municipalities

Municipality	CDA	PvdA	VVD	SP	LPF	GL	D66	CU	SGP	Others
Amsterdam	9.7 (36 352)	38.2 (143 188)	15.6 (58 528)	9.9 (37 127)	5.8 (21 658)	11.0 (41 289)	7.1 (26 439)	0.7 (2 670)	0.1 (237)	1.9 (7 287)
Rotterdam	14.6 (43 639)	36.2 (108 252)	14.8 (44 159)	6.9 (20 504)	13.8 (41 304)	5.6 (16 837)	4.0 (11 861)	1.6 (4 727)	0.7 (2 135)	2.1 (6 211)
The Hague	18.3 (46 197)	29.1 (73 502)	22.5 (56 995)	5.8 (14 754)	8.5 (21 449)	6.8 (17 064)	5.6 (14 208)	1.1 (2 796)	0.5 (1 158)	1.9 (4 806)
Utrecht	16.6 (25 660)	31.3 (48 302)	16.7 (25 809)	8.8 (13 576)	4.6 (7 117)	11.9 (18 387)	7.1 (11 020)	1.3 (2 068)	0.3 (444)	1.2 (1 845)
Eindhoven	25.4 (29 476)	27.1 (31 424)	17.5 (20 320)	10.2 (11 806)	5.9 (6 818)	6.2 (7 202)	4.9 (5 641)	0.9 (1 034)	0.1 (96)	1.8 (2 097)

See also

• List of candidates in the 2003 Dutch general election

Further reading

• Van Holsteyn, Joop J. M.; Galen A. Irwin (January 2004). "The Dutch parliamentary elections of 2003". West European Politics. 27 (1): 157–164. doi:10.1080/01402380412331280853.